Heme Heci Kereme Eli

MerAk Academical Researches HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY – 2 AUTHORS Абдигапбарова Улжаркын Жиенбаева Надежда Муслимовна Бисеновна Кыдырова Салтанат Айтенова Эльмира Рашидовна Абдикалиевна Ulugbek SATTOROV Durmuş Ali ARSLAN HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 2 MerAk Academical Researches HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY – 2 АДАМ - ҒЫЛЫМ ЖӘНЕ ҚОҒАМ - 2 ISBN: Series Editor: Prof. Dr. D. Ali ARSLAN AUTHORS Абдигапбарова Улжаркын Жиенбаева Надежда Муслимовна Бисеновна Кыдырова Салтанат Айтенова Эльмира Рашидовна Абдикалиевна Ulugbek SATTOROV Durmuş Ali ARSLAN Cover Design: Prof. Dr. D. Ali ARSLAN Layout-Offset Preparation: Prof. Dr. D. Ali ARSLAN © D. Ali ARSLAN Mer Ak Publishing House, May – Mersin Mer-Ak Mersin Akademi Yayınları (Mer Ak Publishing House) Adres: Çiftlikköy Mahallesi, Cadde, Nisa 1 Evleri, No: 35, 6/12, Yenişehir/MERSİN Tel: 81 45 / 06 06 Note: All administrative, academic and legal responsibilities of the chapters belong to their authors. Cover Photo: funduszeue.info Distribution: Mer-Ak Mersin Akademi Yayınları (Mer Ak Publishing House) HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 3 Adres: Çiftlikköy Mahallesi, Cadde, Nisa 1 Evleri, No: 35, 6/12, Yenişehir/MERSİN Tel: 81 45 / 06 06 HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 4 PREFACE The subject of many valuable scientific research, which is far from readers' interest and knowledge, is stuck in the pages of journals. In our "HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY – MerAk Academical Research" Series, which we have realized with the MerAk Mersin Academy, we have initiated this publishing process in order to be a solution to this problem to a certain extent. As a scientist who has guided the principle of “Knowledge is the common heritage of humanity”, we attribute a separate importance and value to our series. In this journey, we aimed to collect the academic studies of many valuable researchers from different fields of science with a multidisciplinary point of view under the same roof and deliver them to the readers. In the Second book of the MerAk Mersin Academy, HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY - Academical Research category, we included 3 very important research in the field of social sciences. Given the following topics, the importance of the work will be revealed further:  механизмы эффективной реализации авторской модели профессиональной подготовки учителя на основе дуально-ориентированного обучения  Sociological Analysis of the Turkish Power Elite  Theoretical Challenges in Interpretation and Research Of Toponymic Legends HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 5 In these series, which we have realized with the MerAk Mersin Academy, we aimed to produce a product of the common mind, as in our previous works. In this context, we brought together the knowledge of the researcher, who has very different experiences and knowledge, under the same roof. We would like to thank everyone who contributed to these works and everyone, including all employees of the MerAk Mersin Academy Publishing House. In particular, we would also like to thank Gülten ARSLAN, owner of MerAk Mersin Academy Publishing House, who did not withhold any contribution and support in delivering the work to you, our esteemed readers Prof. Dr. D. Ali ARSLAN ABSTRACT 27 1. METHODOLOGY 28 2. SOCIAL COMPOSITION OF THE TURKISH 30 POWER ELITE HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 8 3. THE TURKISH MILITARY ELITE AS A 32 MEMBER OF THE TURKISH POWER ELITE 4. THE TURKISH BUSINESS ELITES AS 35 MEMBERS OF THE TURKISH POWER ELITE 5. CONTEMPORARY TURKISH POLITICAL 40 ELITES AS MEMBERS OF THE TURKISH POWER ELITE 6. п.н. профессор КазНПУ имени Абая 2 funduszeue.infoн. профессор КазНПУ имени Абая 3 докторант КазНПУ имени Абая по специальности «Педагогика и психология» 4 докторант КазНПУ имени Абая по специальности «Педагогика и психология» HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 11 Аннотация В статье рассматривается авторская модель профессиональной подготовки будущего учителя в условиях дуально-ориентированного обучения. Данная модель разработана на основе результатов исследований, проведенных в рамках научного проекта «дуально- ориентированное обучение – условие совершенствования профессиональной подготовки будущего учителя», реализуемого на основе государственного гранта МОН РК. Это в настоящее время обусловлено необходимостью внедрения элементов дуального обучения в систему высшего педагогического образования. Авторы подробно описывают структуру и содержание данной модели. Модель состоит из целевых, технологических и оценочных блоков. Особенность модели заключается в интеграции деятельности «школа- колледж-высшее учебное заведение». Ключeвыe cловa: высшее учебное заведение, дуально- ориентированное обучение, модель профессиональной подготовки учителя, целевой блок, технологический блок, оценочный блок. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 12 Андатпа Мақалада дуальді бағдарлық оқыту жағдайында болашақ мұғалімді кәсіби даярлаудың авторлық моделі қарастырылады. Бұл модель БжҒМ мемлекеттік гранты негізінде орындалып жатқан «Дуальді- бағдарлық оқыту – болашақ мұғалімнің кәсіби даярлығын жетілдірудің шарты» ғылыми жобасы аясында жүргізілген зерттеулерден алынған нәтижелер негізінде жасалған. Бұл қазіргі уақытта жоғары педагогикалық білім беру жүйесіне дуальді оқыту элементтерін ендіру қажеттілігінен туындап отыр. Авторлар мақалада аталған модельдің құрылымы мен мазмұнын жан-жақты сипаттайды. Модель мақсатты, технологиялық және бағалаушы блоктардан тұрады. Модельдің ерекшелігі «мектеп-колледж-жоғары оқу орны» іс- әрекеттерінің интеграциясында жүзеге асырылады. Түйін cөздeр: жоғары оқу орны, дуальді-бағдарлық оқыту, болашақ мұғалімді кәсіби даярлаудың моделі, мақсаттық блок, технологиялық блок, балаушы блок. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 13 MECHANISMS OF EFFECTIVE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AUTHOR'S MODEL OF PROFESSIONAL TRAINING OF A TEACHER BASED ON DUAL-ORIENTED EDUCATION ABSTRACT The article considers the author's model of professional training of the future teacher in the conditions of dual-oriented training. This model is developed based on the results of studies conducted under the research project «dual-oriented teaching – a condition for improvement of professional preparation of future teachers», which is implemented on the basis of the state grant of MES of RK. This is currently due to the need to introduce elements of dual training in the system of higher pedagogical education. The author describes in detail the structure and content of this model. The model consists of target, process, and evaluation blocks. The model features the integration of the «school-College-higher education institution» activity. Key words: higher education institution, dual-oriented training, teacher training model, target block, technological block, evaluation block. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 14 МЕХАНИЗМЫ ЭФФЕКТИВНОЙ РЕАЛИЗАЦИИ АВТОРСКОЙ МОДЕЛИ ПРОФЕССИОНАЛЬНОЙ ПОДГОТОВКИ УЧИТЕЛЯ НА ОСНОВЕ ДУАЛЬНО-ОРИЕНТИРОВАННОГО ОБУЧЕНИЯ Авторская модель профессиональной подготовки учителя на основе дуально-ориентированного обучения представляет собой логически выстроенную завершенную структуру, состоящую из целевого, технологического и оценочного блоков. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 15 Характеристика выделенных блоков модели (Рисунок 1). Целевой блок. В качестве цели разрабатываемой модели мы рассматриваем процесс совершенствования профессиональной подготовки будущего учителя на основе дуально-ориентированного обучения (ДОО) в современных условиях модернизации педагогического образования. По нашему мнению, поставленная цель должна конкретизироваться требованиями ГОСО и социальным заказом общества на подготовку высококвалифицированных специалистов в сфере педагогического образования, обладающих высоким уровнем профессиональной мотивации, профессионально- педагогической компетентности. В данном блоке представлены методологические подходы и принципы, способствующие формированию готовности студентов, осваивающих педагогическую профессию. В качестве основных походов к дуально-ориентированной профессиональной подготовке будущих педагогов были использованы системно-структурный (funduszeue.infoов, funduszeue.info, funduszeue.info), системно-комплексный (funduszeue.infoни, funduszeue.infoьев, funduszeue.infoн, funduszeue.infoнко), системно-деятельностный (funduszeue.infoкий, funduszeue.infoв, funduszeue.infoев, funduszeue.infoнин, funduszeue.infoв и др.) подходы, которые определили совокупность принципов: непрерывности и преемственности этапов формирования профессиональной мотивации, целостности и интеграции образования, развития уникальной личности в уникальной ситуации, вариативности и гибкости учебно-методического сопровождения будущего педагога []. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 16 Выбранные подходы и принципы выступают в качестве требований к содержанию процесса дуально-ориентированной профессиональной подготовки будущих педагогов. Технологический блок модели позволяет наглядно представить содержательно-технологическую сторону рассматриваемого процесса. Данный блок представлен концептуальным основанием (разработка механизма внедрения авторской модели; критериев оценки, диагностические средства ДОО); нормативными предпосылками (изменение и дополнение в ГОСО, создание правил регулирующих взаимодействия (МОН РК, УО, НП «Атамекен», правовые органы)); методическим содержанием (до вузовская практика, 1 день в неделю под руководством ментора, практика во время межсеместровых каникул, элективные курсы ДОО, проведение вузовских профилирующих дисциплин в колледже, школах). Логика механизма реализации авторской модели профессиональной подготовки учителя на основе дуально-ориентированного обучения предусматривает плавный переход от первичного создания на базе КазНПУ имени Абая Центра организации профессионального педагогического образования, курируемых представителем министерства до создания Координационного совета (из представителей МОН РК, УО, НП «Атамекен», вуза, колледжа, школы); разработки индивидуальных маршрутов и сознательной рефлексии профессиональной деятельности менторов из числа учителей школы, колледжа и закрепление за ними студентов- практикантов. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 17 Такой вариант реально осуществим, так как нами будет разработано Положение о менторе и Положение о педагогической практике утвержденными работадателями на производственной базе. Объекты и субъекты педагогического взаимодействия (корпоративная система «школа-колледж-вуз» МОН РК, УО, НП «Атамекен») подчиняясь принципу иерархичности систем, находятся в упорядоченном соответствии с этапами процесса совершенствования профессиональной подготовки будущего учителя на основе дуально- ориентированного обучения. При этом объект-субъектные отношения при переходе с этапа на этап перерастают в субъект-субъектные (социальные партнеры, предприятия, представители общеобразовательных и специализированных школ). Технологический блок созданной модели представлен образовательными субъектами системы «школа-колледж-вуз»: педагогические кадры, преподаватели, менторы, социальные партнеры. От современного вузовского преподавателя ожидается умение разрабатывать модульные образовательные программы, осуществлять поиск новых форм для изучения и освоение инновационного педагогического опыта. Кроме того, необходимо развитие способности в поиске креативных средств для реализации дуально- ориентированного обучения. Под руководством вузовского преподавателя учителя общеобразовательных и специализированных школ студенты участвуют в научно-практических конференциях по проблемам, стратегии реализации дуально-ориентированного обучения, публикуют статьи, являются соавторами проектных работ учителей, выполняют дипломные работы. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 18 Рисунок 1 – Модель профессиональной подготовки учителя на основе дуально-ориентированного обучения HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 19 Работодатели – это опытные педагоги образовательных организаций, которые привлекаются вузом для реализации ДОО, участия во внеаудиторной работе Института педагогики и психологии КазНПУ имени Абая (проведение мастер классов, тематических встреч), руководства педагогической практикой студентов в школе, курированием исследовательской, проектной работой студентов [10]. Усиление роли социальных партнеров в учебном процессе вуза, их участие в реализации и мониторинге ДОО, позволит успешно интегрировать теоретическое обучение с практикой и способствовать эффективному внедрению дуально-ориентированного обучения. Роль студента в организации процесса дуально-ориентированного обучения - перевод его из позиции потребителя знаний в позицию за- казчика, соавтора. Студент активно включается в процесс реализации собственных устремлений по своему профессиональному развитию. В ГОСО заложена основа для формирования ответственного отношения студентов к своей будущей профессиональной судьбе, предоставляя ему возможность участвовать в выборе вариативных дисциплин, образовательных модулей и профессиональных инновационных технологий. Готовность к такому выбору определяется сформированностью своего видения профессиональной самореализации, что требует от студента осознания своей будущей профессиональной карьеры, наличия мотивации к освоению определенных профессиональных компетенций. Оценочный блок. В оценочном блоке наглядно представлены три этапа подготовки (психологическая, теоретическая, практическая). HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 20 Значимость подготовки:  «психологической» – формируются механизмы саморегуляции учебной деятельностью; развиваются механизмы управления профессиональным развитием; личностные качества субьектов образовательного процесса включаются в структуру психологической готовности к дуально-ориентированной деятельности;  «теоретической» – проникновение в процесс дуально- ориентированного обучения; ориентация на четко представленный в сознании субъекта обучения конечный результат (предвосхищенная цель); прогнозирование развития системы взаимоотношений в корпоративной системе «школа-колледж-вуз».  «практической» – обеспечение эффективного включения студентов в процесс дуально-ориентированного обучения. Оценочный блок, включает показатели и уровни мотивационного, когнитивного и деятельностного компонентов: - мотивационный (наличие учебной мотивации, доминирование внутренних мотивов, удовлетворенность профессией, интерес к дуально-ориентированному обучению и профессиональную потребность в данном процессе); - когнитивный (сформированность знаний, эрудиции, способностей заниматься педагогической деятельностью); HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 21 - деятельностный (стремление к личностному росту, к саморазвитию и самосовершенствованию в профессиональной сфере) [11]. Все представленные блоки модели направлены на формирование современного, конкурентноспособного, инновационного учителя. Процесс дуально-ориентированной профессиональной подготовки будущих педагогов, наглядно представленной в авторской модели – это комплексный и многогранный процесс, требующий целенаправленной систематической работы и подготовки. Необходимо, особо заострить внимание на том, что процесс дуально- ориентированной подготовки будущих педагогов рассматривается нами как переход от адаптивного уровня студентов к сложному и качественно отличному-инновационному уровню. Адаптивный уровень предполагает профориентационную и пропедевтическою работу со студентами первого курса обучения, способствующая адаптации к образовательной деятельности в новой дуально-ориентированной образовательной среде вуза; положительной мотивации к профессиональной деятельности; потребности в личностном росте и саморазвитии; Продуктивный уровень предполагает мотивированную заинтересованность студента в получении профессиональных знаний, стойкий познавательный интерес, преобладание внешних положительных мотивов к дуально-ориентированному обучению; прогнозирование результатов своей деятельности; активное участие в реализации данной формы обучения; рефлексивная позиция HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 22 личности студента, готового к инновационной деятельности, ориентации на личную и творческую реализацию. Инновационный уровень свидетельствует о том, что у студента стойкий интерес к дуально-ориентированному обучению, преобладает внутренняя направленность профессиональной мотивации; осознание важности профессии «учитель»; регулярная рефлексия в отношении полученного психологического, эмоционального, когнитивного опыта; высокий уровень творческого педагогического мышления; умение прогнозировать и успешно принимать решения в изменяющихся условиях педагогической деятельности, сознательное планирование своей деятельности в соответствии с нормативными требованиями дуально- ориентированного образования [12]. Итак, авторская модель профессиональной подготовки учителя на основе дуально-ориентированного обучения представляет собой логически выстроенную конструкцию, а сам процесс подготовки направлен на приобщение будущих педагогов к профессионально- педагогической деятельности с учетом не только социального заказа общества и требований ГОСО, но и требований концепции модернизации педагогического образования. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 23 СПИСОК ИСПОЛЬЗОВАННЫХ ИСТОЧНИКОВ 1 Выготский Л.С. О психологических системах // Психология. – М., 2 Соколов В.Н. Педагогическая эвристика: Введение в теорию и методику эвристической деятельности. – М.: Аспект-Пресс, 3 Анисимов О.С. Педагогическая концепция перестройки последипломного образования. Вып Социально- психологические средства управленческого мышления. – М, Ч 4 Гусева И.А. Социально-педагогическое обеспечение развития субъектности студента в вузе: дис. канд. пед. наук : – Кострома: РГБ, , – с. 5 Бабкина Т.А., Куницкая Ю.И. Повышение научно- исследовательской и инновационной компетенций преподавателя вуза. Мат. Межд. науч-практ. конференц. «Инновации и подготовка научных кадров высшей кваолификации в Республике Беларусь и за рубежом». //funduszeue.info funduszeue.infoа. – Минск:ГУ «БелИСА», 6 Жадрина М.Ж. Образование, ориентированное на результат, как новая модель школьного образования.//Открытая школа. – – № 12 (25). 7 Загвязинский В.И., Елисеев К.В. Анализ, оценка и способы стимулирования педагогических нововведений. – Тюмень, HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 24 8 Полянин В. А. Образовательная система дуального формата и профессиональное самоопределение педагога // Образовательные технологии. – – № 2. – С. 9 Гавриленко Л.С. Формирование готовности студентов педагогического вуза к инновациям в педагогической деятельности. Авт… funduszeue.info Красноярск, Красноярский государственный педагогический университет им. В.П. Астафьева, – 24 с. 10 Әбдіғапбарова Ұ.М. Айтенова Э.А. Дуальді білім берудің теориясы мен тәжірбиесі. // Оқу әдістемелік құрал. – Алматы, 11 Abdigapbarova U.M., Baysultanova funduszeue.info, Smanova A.A., «Polylingual specialists training and dual education as ways to create varied training conditions in the republic of Kazakhstan» European science and Technology. Materials of the xiinternational research and practice conference. – Germany, Munich – S. 12 Zhienbayeva N.B. Teoretiko-metodologicheskie osnovy razvitia lichnosti sovremennyh shkol’nikov. San Francisco.: B&M Publishing, – с . HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 25 HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 26 CHAPTER: 2 SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE POWER AND ELITE IN TURKEY: THE TURKISH POWER ELITE Prof. Dr. D. Ali ARSLAN 1 Foto: funduszeue.info:Atat%C3%BCrk_TBMM%27den_%C3%A7%C4%funduszeue.info 1 Sosyologist and Political Scientist. Lecturer at Mersin University in TURKEY E-posta: [email protected] HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 27 ABSTRACT This study aims to analyse the power structure and the distribution of power in Turkish society: How far is power diffused in society or how far it is centralised and concentrated in the hands of elite groups? Four major elite groups, such as political, media, business and military elites are examined. In other words, the top decision makers or the “Turkish Power Elite” are investigated. The study was operationalised using the multiple methods of observation, documentary analysis and focused interviews. The majority of the data which is used in this study was obtained from field research and documnetary souces. İn addition to field research using questionnaire and semi-structured interview schedules, the data archives, publications and bulletins of the related private and state intitutions were examined The contemporary Turkish power elite is now composed of economic, military, political and media elites. As stressed by Mills ( ), the Marxists’ “economic determinism”, and the liberals’ “political determinism” or “media and military determinism” are not sufficient to explain the reality of the power elite. Although the Turkish power elite was set up by the business elites, political elites, military elites and media elites, this does not mean that there is no elite from any other elite group in the power elite. But the fact is that the power elite is dominated by the most powerful members of the most powerful elite groups. KEY WORDS: Elite, Power, The Power Elite, The Turkish Power Elite, The Turkish Military Elites, The Turkish Political Elites, The Turkish Media Elites, The Turkish Business Elites. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 28 1. METHODOLOGY 1 This study was designed not only as quantitative research, but also as a qualitative cross-sectional national elite survey. Respondents are holders of elite positions in various sectors, i.e.- political elites, business elites, military elites, mass-media elites, trade and labour unions elites. Therefore, the study has a comparative character, like the German National Elite Study (carried out by Ursula Hoffmann-Lange), studies of national elites in the United States (Barton: ) and Australia (Higley et al.: ). Moreover, the study has an international comparative nature, because many questions asked in the previously mentioned national elite studies, were also used in this study. The multi-method approach was used in this study (Moyser & Wagstaffe, ). Both the “reputational” and “positional” approaches were used for identifying the elites: the positional approach was used to identify the individuals who have a potential for power because of their status and social position within society; the reputational approach was used to select those respondents who have a reputation for power and influence. The positional approach was used to define the elite universe. Firstly, a list of elite sectors was set up. Following this, the most important organisations within each sector were specified. Then, the top positions within each organisation were determined. Finally, the current incumbents of these positions were considered as members of the elite. Furthermore, the reputational approach was also used as a supplementary approach to select 1 This article reproduced from Arslan, D. A. (). “The Turkish Power Elite”, International Journal of Human Sciences, Sociology, Volume: 3, Issue: 1, Year: , , funduszeue.info?id=33,. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 29 the effective members of some elite groups, such as mass-media elites and political elites following the simple random sampling techniques. No single source of data or data collecting techniques was chosen. The study was operationalised using the multiple methods of observation, documentary analysis and focused interviews. The majority of the data which is used in this study was obtained from field research and documentary sources. Observations helped the researcher to get more detailed and reliable information concerning elites and the existence and operation of elite organisations. In addition to field research using questionnaires and semi-structured interview schedules, written and printed materials were used for data collecting. The data archives, publications and bulletins of the related private and state institutions As Hertz and Imber argue ( 78), semi-structured interviews have a very special importance for meso and macro level elite studies. Following this tradition, these particular types of interview techniques were chosen. The questionnaire will be used for semi-structured interviews to get more detailed and specific data from the field. In addition to completely structured questions, open-ended (unstructured) questions have also been used. In general, semi-structured questionnaires have been widely used in elite studies and have great popularity amongst elite researchers. This particular kind of interview schedule is more suitable and valuable than the fully structured or unstructured questionnaire for realising the major goals of this research. It will be especially helpful in gaining more detailed information about the respondents’ social backgrounds, attitudes, beliefs, values, behaviour and roles. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 30 A total of 84 questions have been used in the interview schedule. All the questions have special purposes to realise. Whilst some of them aim to measure single peculiarities, others have multiple targets. The research has both a qualitative and quantitative character. Nevertheless, it is especially a descriptive kind of quantitative research. The data was analysed using the SPSS program (Fielding, ). 2. SOCIAL COMPOSITION OF THE TURKISH POWER ELITE Elite theory research is based on power and influence. It is concerned almost exclusively with inequalities based on power or lack thereof. This distinguishes it from class theory. Power in turn, is based on other resources (such as economic assets and organisational strength) and for its part may give rise to control over other resources as well. Etzioni () stressed that elite theory is concerned primarily with the other resources which are related to it. On a general basis “Elite Theory” was used in this study to understand, to examine and to explain the power structure of Turkish society. Elite theory highlights power, control and influence for examining it’s subject. As also discussed earlier, there are various elite theories within this context, such as elitist elite theory, pluralist elite theory, democratic elite theory, demo-elite perspective and the corporatist perspective. The study showed without any doubt that the Turkish power elite exists; there is relative cohesion and unity among its members; and they exercise control over decisions. As stated by Mills ( ), as a member of the power elite, they define each other as among those who accordingly must be taken into account. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 31 The Turkish power elite, or in other words the key elites of contemporary Turkish society, are composed of people of similar social origins, similar educational backgrounds and similar occupational careers. Also, they have similar life styles and views, and they are increasingly co-ordinated. Nevertheless, as noted by Mills ( 20), this co-ordination is not total and continuous. The top of the power hierarchy are more powerful, because they are more unified. The bottom of society (non-elites) is rather weak, because they are more fragmented. The power elite are not only the people who have succeeded but are also the wielders of the patronage of success. As Mills said ( ), they interpret and apply to individuals the criteria of success. The shadow power elite and aspirant power elite are usually members of this clique. Also, as stated by Mills ( 83), the people in the higher political, economic, military and even media circles represent an elite of money and power. They are the biggest share holders in the national hierarchy of status, power and wealth. The findings on the Turkish power elites can be outlined as follows:  There are inter-class marriages among the members of the Turkish power elite  They have attended similar or the same types of exclusive private and state schools  Their actual social status is similar or even interchangeable  They are members of the exclusive school fraternities and elite clubs  They enjoy common or similar life-styles HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 32  They possess exceptional advantages of social origins and training (family and education)  They were born into mostly middle and upper-middle class families, and upper class family background makes up an important proportion of the Turkish power elite  There is a very large male domination among them and females are underrepresented in the Turkish power elite  They are overwhelmingly middle aged although older people make up the second largest group. Turkish power elite cannot merely be defined as those people who are ordinary bureaucrats doing their duty. They determine not only their own duties but also the roles and duties of the entire Turkish population. They give orders to Turkish society, direct the dominant institutions and control the state apparatus. They define the rules which have to be followed by the Turkish people. They direct the speed and route of social change. Ultimately they take/make the decisions and define the major targets of Turkish society. 3. THE TURKISH MILITARY ELITE AS A MEMBER OF THE TURKISH POWER ELITE As discussed earlier, the powerful members of the dominant institutions (such as military, business, political and media) have been shaped by the form of the Turkish power elite. The military elites have occupied a special place within this power structure since the beginning of the Republic. This special situation is related to the social backgrounds of the founding fathers HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 33 of the Turkish Republic: all the members of the founding political elite were military elites. This is not a fortuitous situation because, modernisation and westernisation first began in the military area in Turkey in the late Ottoman Era, and since then the military establishment has been the representative and defender of modern values (Lewis, ). The Turkish military elite forms one of the most autonomous and influential elite group among the members of the Turkish power elite. They are relatively more autonomous than any other elite group. They can block any actions and decisions they do not share. They are well-trained and have great experience in the making of decisions. They have increasingly become involved in political and economic decisions. As a result of their military training, they possess a coherent group structure When the social background and actual status of army officers and Turkish military elites are examined, it can be clearly seen that, they are usually better paid than members of other sectors. The elite members of the military may be identified as members of the upper-middle or upper classes. They have invariably been the sons of middle class or lower-middle class people, such as public officers, farmers, military officers and professionals. They are all male and members of a particular age group. Their ethnic origins or religious background are not considered when they are recruited. Also, people are never discriminated against in terms of their ethnic background or religion (such as Sunnite or Shiite) when they are recruited to higher positions in the military hierarchy. It may be argued that, Turkish military elites have the highest degree of group cohesiveness and unity among the members of the Turkish power elite. Traditionally, as stressed by Janowitz ( 69), the Turkish army has always maintained a very effective internal discipline and has been able HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 34 to act as a solid force. As also argued by Janowitz ( 70), compared with other institutions, the military establishment appears to have a capacity for absorbing new recruits and developing a strong sense of cohesion. On the other hand, as in America (Mills, ), Turkish military elites see politics as frequently characterised by corruption, inefficiency and in- discipline. As a result they sometimes feel that they have to intervene to save the country. This sensibility and sensitivity encourages direct or indirect intervention of the military elites in politics. As emphasised by Dodd ( 4), both Young Turk and Ataturkist experiences of military participation in politics reveal a tradition of military closeness to the state, rather than a sustained desire to direct its affairs. The military has always been regarded as in the vanguard of revolutionary change; a very unusual relationship between the military and civilian components of the state characterised by coalescence and co-operation which cannot be found elsewhere. Dodd also mentions that ( 1), the Turkish military is frequently regarded as the guardian of democracy: “some military regimes have inaugurated or restored more or less liberal and democratic forms of government. Usually the reason has been failure or unpopularity of the authoritarian military regime. In Turkey, the military has not retired from politics for these kinds of reasons. Instead, they have invariably declared an intention to return to democracy at the time of take-over and, moreover and usually, they have stuck to their word. This is surprising, because a military organisation is not by its very nature, the sort of institution likely to encourage the development of democratic regimes”. Dodd, rightly looked for the reasons for this situation in the historical background of the Turkish army. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 35 Although Ataturk and his successor Ismet Inonu had military backgrounds and both were victorious commanders, both were civilised and democratically minded individuals. As Lerner and Robinson state ( ), both Ataturk and Inonu were against the direct participation of military officers in political affairs. When he was in the Committee of Union and Progress, Ataturk declared that “as long as officers remain in the Party, we shall neither build a strong Party nor a strong Army. In the 3rd Army most of the officers are also members of the Party and 3rd Army can not be called first class. Furthermore, the party receiving its strength from the army will never appeal to the nation. Let us resolve here and now that all officers wishing to remain in the Party must resign from the Army. We must also adopt a law forbidding all future officers having political affiliations ”. Also, Ataturk clarified that “to be victorious in the internal affairs of a country is due less to an army than to the successful offices of a government”. After that, both Ataturk and Inonu resigned from the party in and continued to serve in the army. 4. THE TURKISH BUSINESS ELITES AS MEMBERS OF THE TURKISH POWER ELITE Turkish business or economic elites can be defined as those people who occupy the major decision making positions and who hold the economic power in the corporate institutions of Turkish society. In other words, Turkish economic elites are those people who have economic power and may influence/control the decisions in the economic system. There was no national bourgeoisie or business elite in Turkey in the early years of the Republic. Turkish industry and the wider Turkish economy were controlled by the non-Muslim minority groups at the beginning of the HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 36 20th century. According to Ayse Bugra ( ), the number of factories which employed more than 10 workers was in Turkey around Only % of their owners were Muslim Ottoman citizens. The vast majority of them, which is %, were controlled by non-Muslim minorities. The efforts to create a national business elite (entrepreneur class) was started in the time of the Committee of Progress and Union (Young Turks) between In addition to those people who had close relations with the Union and Progress Party, some members of the party entered in to business life too. This meant that, the party not only supported the Turkish entrepreneurs but also some of its members became business elites. These endeavours were continued during the Republican period. As a result of these special efforts, the Turkish private sector became the most powerful sector in the Turkish economy in a relatively short time. Ataturk and his associates made enormous efforts to create the necessary conditions to develop Turkish industry. The state provided the necessary financial resources to the KITs (Kamu Iktisadi Tesekkulleri-The State Enterprises) to achieve strategic but unprofitable investments (such as sub- structure investments) which were essential for industrialisation. This was the most characteristic peculiarity of Etatism (the policy of state control) in the Turkish economy. On the other hand, co-operative investments with the state or public sector owned companies gained many privileges and extra benefits for the private companies. Therefore, most of the large holding companies have formed joint ventures and corporations with state enterprises. Also, the state assigned the most profitable and less risky sectors to the large private sector companies. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 37 The state sector played a substantial role in the development of the private sector. As stated by Bugra ( 96), a majority of Turkish business elites come from the state sector. Former traders also occupy an important place among the Turkish business elites. It is still difficult to distinguish the industrialist and merchant from one another in Turkish business life. Both of them still carry out activities in both areas. Table 1: Occupational Backgrounds of the Turkish Business Elites (in Terms of the Establishment Years of the Firms) (%). Merchant Indust- Farmer Free- Civil Shop Crafts- Professional rialist enterprise Servant Owner man Before - - - - - 70 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Total Source: Reorganised and Translated from Bugra, , Although some Turkish business elites were originally large scale landowners, the proportion of land owners and farmers among the Turkish business elite is very small ( per cent). Only owners of one large family holding company, Cukurova Holding, falls into this category. Bugra ( 42) argues that in contrast to some other countries (for example Latin HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 38 America), large scale landowners have not played an important role in the development of the Turkish bourgeoisie. As discussed by Alpender (), Bates () and Bugra (), a large majority of Turkish elites have some degree of relationship to trade: whereas some of them have a solely trading background, most of them have businesses straddling both trading and industrial sectors. Farmers and craftsmen constitute only a small minority group among the Turkish business elite. As discovered by researchers (like Alpender, Bates and Bugra), Turkish business elites are very well educated. A large majority of them have had a university education. In addition, an important proportion of them possess postgraduate degrees. According to Bugra ( ), out of businessmen (who are members of TUSIAD-The Association of Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen) have both first degrees and master degrees. Also, a large majority of them possess at least one foreign language ability. Not only the younger members of the Turkish business elite have received a high level of education, but also a large majority of the older generation. Vehbi Koc and Haci Omer Sabanci (Tanju, ) have a very special place among the business elite (Sonmez, ): both have no formal education and yet are creators of the two largest business empires in Turkey. Vehbi Koc entered to business at the age of 15 before completing his high school education. Haci Omer Sabanci received almost no formal school education, but he was literate. Among the Turkish business elite, it is possible to find people born both rich and poor. A large percentage of the first generation of business elites were not people born rich. The majority of them came from lower-class or middle-class families possessing only enough wealth to provide essential HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 39 needs. Most of them worked as small shopkeepers (like Vehbi Koc) and wage workers (like Haci Omer Sabanci) and gained their enormous wealth within a particular time span. The wealthiest business elites of Turkey, who are Koc, Sabanci and Eczacibasi (Aksoy, ) can be included in this category. Whereas the size of the Turkish business elite whose social origins are in the entrepreneurial strata is very small among the first generation, the proportion of this kind of elite among the second generation of business elites is rather high. The development of Koc and Sabanci are worth mentioning. The founder of the Sabanci Holding who is Haci Omer Sabanci started from “zero point”. His life history began in a small Anatolian village and eventually he owned a world scale business empire. On the other hand, a large proportion of the second generation came from families of higher class status and grew up in big cities: they were also very well educated. Their educational advantages are intimately related to their social origins. The large majority of them were students in exclusive private schools and well-known technical universities, such as Istanbul Technical University, Bogazici University, Istanbul University and Middle East Technical University (Aksoy, ). As a result of their advantageous backgrounds, they became more powerful, more privileged and more wealthy. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 40 5. CONTEMPORARY TURKISH POLITICAL ELITES AS MEMBERS OF THE TURKISH POWER ELITE One of the most effective elite groups in Turkey is the political elite. Turkish political elites make up the key elites together with the military, media and economic (business) elites. These four elite groups can be described as the “Turkish Power Elite” using the Weberian approach. They are in command of the major hierarchies and organisations of society. They are the owners of power, wealth and celebrity and their decisions greatly effect the everyday life of ordinary people. They rule the big corporations, run the machinery of state and direct the military establishment. The major social, economic and political decisions are mostly made by this small minority group. They not only control the decision making process, but also the process of elite circulation. The major focus of this section will be the Turkish political elites. Both top political leaders and parliamentary elites will be identified as the Turkish political elites. All the members of the Turkish parliament who served since the establishment of the Republic (including the assembly of ) to were examined under the name of “Turkish parliamentary elites”. The second group is Turkish political leaders. They also can be classified as the Turkish top political elites (Çağlar & Arslan, ). This category comprises all the presidents, the presidents of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) and prime ministers. In addition, the ministers who served 4 or more times for the entire Republican period were accepted as top political leaders and taken into account in the research. The major social background characteristics, such as age, gender, family size, marital status, educational and occupational qualifications will be used to achieve this. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 41 Findings clearly show that, age is still an important factor not only in Turkish society but also in the world. In spite of declining importance in recent years, it seems that age still has a special and traditional prestige in most countries. Youth have been deliberately isolated from political life by middle and advanced aged politicians. The mean age of Turkish parliamentary elites for the whole Republican period is 45 and it can be said that the Turkish Parliament is a middle aged parliament. On the other hand, Turkish political leaders are older than other Turkish political elite groups. The general mean age for Turkish top leaders is 54 (Arslan, ). Like ageism, sexism can be accepted as one of the most common dilemmas of the societies. This phenomenon has been in favour of males. Sexual discrimination has been among the common problems of world women. A very heavy prevalence of males can be observed in every sphere of social life. Males are more advantaged and they have more opportunities to acquire more prestigious and powerful positions in social life. The size of the female political elites all around the world clearly proves this idea. This situation does not change in the process of elite circulation. Males have much more chance than females to become members of elite groups. Legally, there is an equality among the sexes in Turkish society, but this formal equality is not observed in reality in political life where women are always disadvantaged. It has to be noted that, this feature is not peculiar to Turkish society but is a characteristic of all world societies. Also, it has to be stressed that, as a product of the Kemalist Revolution, Turkish women acquired the right to vote and to be elected to parliament before women in many other European countries. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 42 Turkish women were eligible to become candidates for election to parliament after The word male was abandoned from the necessary qualification for both electors and deputies in (Law No. ). Nevertheless Turkish women had first received voting rights in the municipal elections of This was followed by 18 female deputies entering the Turkish parliament in the fifth assembly, in Turkish women had their largest numbers in the assemblies of , and Subsequently their position began to decline in the Turkish parliament. The predominance of Turkish males in the parliament has continued since the establishment of the Republic down to the present day (Arslan, 72). Educational background is another important phenomenon that affects the daily life of the people in today’s world. Not only the quantity but also the quality and the type of the education received is highly important in obtaining better and more prestigious positions in society. There is a heavy predominance of university educated elites among Turkish parliamentary elites. The average rate of university-educated parliamentary elites is % for all periods. The mean of deputies who received only lycee (high school) education is 7 % and the average rate of deputies with a middle- school level (junior high school) education is %. The proportion of primary school-graduates is the lowest, at % of Turkish parliamentary elites. Turkish top political leaders are very well educated. 95 % of Turkish leaders have been university trained, the residue of 5 % being shared by those people who received high school (lycee) and private education (Arslan, ). HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 43 Occupational background is also an important component that affects the elite circulation process. Some occupational groups are more popular. Even, they are more imminent to the power centres of the state apparatus. Therefore, those occupations are more advantaged, more privileged, more prestigious. Their members have more chances and advantages in obtaining more powerful positions in the social hierarchy and becoming more active in the decision making process. The Turkish Grand National Assembly was dominated by both civilian and military government officials in the single party period, from to Then, two groups -educators, and trade and industry- followed them. There was an increase in the percentage of educators from to They took nearly 11 % of seats, the same as the group of trade and industry, in the parliament in the single-party period. The free professions (that is, lawyers, engineers and architects, doctors and other medical practitioners such as veterinary surgeons, dentists and pharmacists) took the leading position from government officials after the elections of The free professions had an important proportion in the Democratic Party group, which continued until the early s. By the time of the elections, civil bureaucrats and administrators would again take the dominant position in the parliament and this situation still continues at present. According to the findings, the largest occupational group is civil bureaucrats and administrators in all the Turkish parliamentary elites. The second dominant occupational group is law, that is lawyers, judges and public prosecutors; and the third group is trade and industry which includes merchants, businessmen and other related vocations. Military officers, educators and doctors follow these three (Arslan, ). HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 44 6. THE TURKISH MEDIA AS A MEMBER OF THE TURKISH POWER ELITE Turkey is one of the most rapidly developing and urbanising countries in the world. The latest technological developments and innovations can be seen in every part of the social fabric of contemporary Turkey. Parallel to this rapid development and urbanisation, Turkey has lived through a very important media revolution through out the s. Several international and hundreds of local and national television channels, and more than a thousand radio stations have been broadcasting in contemporary Turkey. According to the latest statistics (which were published by Ankara University, Faculty of Communication, Media Documentation Unit in July ), there are 3, printed media apparatuses (including daily-weekly- monthly newspapers, journals and magazines), radio stations and television channels ( local, 15 regional and 35 national) (Hurriyet Newspaper, ). As in other countries (Curran et al. in Barrett & Braham, ), usage of high technology has given to the media the opportunity of creating large scale mass audiences in Turkey. Urbanisation and industrialisation created a society that was volatile, unstable, rootless, alienated and innately susceptible to manipulation. Urbanised human beings become relatively defenceless, an easy prey to mass communications since they are no longer anchored in the network of social relations and stable, inherited values that characterise settled, rural communities. As in some other countries, the media are predominantly owned and controlled either by large business groups or the state who dominate economic and political power in Turkey. As stressed by Necati Dogru one HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 45 of the most effective Turkish columnists, the Turkish media are financially dependent not only on the state but also on the private entrepreneurs who are the owners of large scale capital (Nebiler, ). The political economy of the media is an important factor that has a significant influence on the outcomes of the mass media. The control of the economic dynamics of the media is highly related to the content of messages emanating from it. The meaning of messages is usually determined by the economic base of organisations. Advertisements are the lifeblood of the media, and organisations usually take into the account the needs and benefits of the advertiser. The mass media have a great influence in changing knowledge, beliefs, opinions, attitudes, feelings and behaviour patterns of individuals. Individuals, social groups, organisations, social institutions, the whole society and culture can be affected by mass communications. The direction of this change can be either negative or positive. This depends on the conditions and controllers of the media. As McQuail argues (in Barrett & Braham, 96), in some circumstances the media play the role of the agent of de-socialisation by challenging and disturbing the values held by parents, educators and other agents of social control. The organisational structure of media institutions has significant effects on media outputs. Power and control are structured by the organisational hierarchy. Some media studies demonstrate that most media organisations are controlled indirectly via informal channels. Also, the power of the media is located at the top of the hierarchy of media organisations. As stressed by political economists, ownership and control of the media are important factors that effect the ideology of media production. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 46 Nebiler ( 18) argues that about 70 % of the Turkish press is controlled by the associates of the BIMAS media group. This figure highlights the degree of monopolisation in the Turkish media. It is also important to note that, these media groups not only work in the media sector, but also have interests in different sectors such as finance (insurance and banking), marketing, tourism, car industry, new technology etc. (Nebiler, 19). This may cause ethical corruption directly or indirectly. There was a plurality and complication existing in the Turkish media as well: there were a large number of small and large scale media groups which were publishing or broadcasting in Turkey. Almost every political and ideological group had their audio-visual or written media tools. There were hundreds of local-national-international television channels, more than one thousand radio stations and countless small or large-scale weekly or daily newspapers. Nevertheless, the BIMAS (the united organisation of the two largest Turkish media groups) has control of about % of Turkish media. Cumhuriyet is another influential daily Turkish newspaper. Also, Islamists have highly effective media groups. The well known columnists and editors of these papers were accepted as the most effective Turkish media elites. At the beginning of the research, it was planned that the owners of the most powerful Turkish media groups would be accepted as the media elites. However, after preliminary research it was discovered that almost all the owners of Turkish media groups were operating in many different sectors (from finance to automotive) and they were businessmen much more than journalists. For this reason, they were excluded from the media elites (Arslan, ). Age is one of the most important demographic indicators in contemporary societies. Some age groups monopolise the important influential positions HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 47 in societies. This situation is generally in favour of old or middle aged people. Young people have traditionally been dominated by the members of these two age groups. The large majority of Turkish media elites are late middle aged or of advanced age. The most important and influential positions in the Turkish media are occupied by middle aged people. Almost 73 percent of media elites are middle aged. Young people only make up 7 percent of the Turkish media elites. The number of advanced aged people in the Turkish media is three times more than young people (Arslan, ). Another important dimension of contemporary societies is gender. As in other Western countries, there is male domination in Turkish media elite: the most powerful positions have been occupied by men. Arslan’s findings clearly show that, almost 87 percent of the media elite are male. Nevertheless, the proportion of female elites in Turkish media is still higher than the proportion of females in any other elite groups (Arslan, 3). Turkish media elites possess a high level and high quality of education. The vast majority of Turkish media elites have at least one university degree. Only a small proportion of them have only high school education. The proportion of university educated Turkish media elites is higher than 93 percent. Turkish media elites have experienced a high quality of education. A large majority of them have been educated in prestigious (both private and state owned) schools. Only 40 percent of Turkish media elites graduated from normal state schools. In accordance with their high social and economic positions, the majority of their children have the opportunity to attend privately owned prestigious schools. Turkish media elites have a pluralist appearance according to their types of education. Whereas the HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 48 largest proportion of Turkish media elites have studied the social sciences and politics, only 13 percent of them have been educated in a department of journalism (Arslan, ). Foreign language ability is an inseparable component of high quality education in the contemporary world. This ability is also one of the most important indicators that has important affects on the elite circulation process. In accordance with high level and high quality education, almost 90 percent of the Turkish media elite knows at least one foreign language. In addition to that, nearly half of them have the ability to speak two or more foreign languages. The most popular foreign language among Turkish media elites is English. Other European languages, such as German and French, also have an important influence (Arslan, ). The large majority of Turkish media elites worked as journalists at the beginning of their occupational career. An important proportion (57 percent) have not worked in any other sector except journalism in their occupational life. A large proportion of Turkish media elites have some degree of previous job experience in the sectors of education (especially lectureships in universities) and public administration. Some of them are also originally lawyers, engineers and managers. On the other hand, fathers of Turkish media elites have substantially different kind of occupations. Nevertheless, the largest proportion of them are tradesmen, merchants and artisans. The second largest proportion of the fathers are public administrators. Lawyers are in third place among Turkish media elites’ fathers. In addition, journalists, educators, doctors, farmers, workers and civil servants have exactly the same proportion among their fathers. It can be outlined from the findings that, a large majority of Turkish media elites HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 49 come from white collar and semi-white collar families in terms of their fathers’ occupations (Arslan, ). A substantial majority of Turkish media elites have small modern families. They have an average of children whereas average number of children of their fathers was 4. Furthermore, whereas Turkish elites as a group have maximum of 4 children, their fathers had up to These numbers give a clear idea about the social distance which characterises Turkish media elites: whereas their fathers mostly had medium size and traditional families, they usually have modern nuclear families (Arslan, ).. CONCLUSION As Lewis argues ( ), there was a large Balkan influence on the Ottoman ruling class. Large numbers of Balkan Christians entered the political and military elites of the Ottoman Empire through the channel of the “devsirme”, or the levy of boys. Also, the local Christian landed ruling class mostly survived and was incorporated into the Ottoman system. In fact, the Turkish elements in the ruling political and military elite were not large in the period of the Ottoman Empire. As stressed by Lewis ( 35), the Muslim citizens of the Ottoman Empire, who possessed a military, bureaucratic and feudal character, knew only four professions; government, war, religion and agriculture. Trade and industry were left to non-Muslims. Nevertheless, the twentieth century would introduce a new elite group to Turkey who possessed the knowledge, capability, the sense of responsibility and power to carry through the great social and political revolution that created modern Turkey. The new elite was well educated and was characterised by a highly heterogeneous background. Lewis argued that HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 50 ( ), the following powerful elite groups emerged in Turkey in the late Ottoman Era: military elites, media elites, bureaucratic elites and judicial elites. There was not a capitalist class in Turkey in the early Republican period. The Turkish economy was based on agriculture and trade at that time. The Turkish bourgeoisie (in modern meaning) began to develop in the Republican Era, but only became powerful in the multi-party period. Therefore, local leaders and local elites played important roles in the establishment of the Republic and development of Turkish society. There was in fact a predominance of military elites and local elites among the political elites in the early years of the Republic. Thus, the Turkish power elite was set up predominantly by political elites who had a military background. The new Turkish capitalist class began to appear in the s as a powerful partner in the power structure. This changed the balance of socio-political forces in the country. The composition of the power elite changed parallel to the social, political and economic development of Turkish society. The contemporary Turkish power elite is now composed of economic, military, political and media elites. As stressed by Mills ( ), the Marxists’ “economic determinism”, and the liberals’ “political determinism” or “media and military determinism” are not sufficient to explain the reality of the power elite. Although the Turkish power elite was set up by the business elites, political elites, military elites and media elites, this does not mean that there is no elite from any other elite group in the power elite. But the fact is that the power elite is heavily dominated by the most powerful members of the most powerful elite groups. The supremacy of the power of the military elites, HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 51 economic corporations, and political directorate is unavoidable. The emergence of the power of the media within the power elite is a recent phenomenon and intimately related to technological developments in the media sector. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 52 REFERENCES: AKSOY, Y. (), Bir Kent Bir İnsan, İstanbul: Dr. Nejat Eczacıbaşı Vakfı Yayınları. ALPENDER, G. (), Big Business and Big Business Leaders in Turkey: Michigan: Michigan State: University, Department of Management (PhD Thesis). ARSLAN, A. (), “Türk Medya Elitleri: Bir Durum Tespiti”, Sosyoloji Araştırmaları Dergisi (Journal of Sociological Research) sayı: 8, Kış , ss.: ARSLAN, A. (), Who Rules Turkey: The Turkish Power Elite and the Roles, Functions and Social Backgrounds of Turkish Elites, Guildford: University of Surrey, Department of Sociology (PhD Thesis). BARRETT & Braham (), Media, Knowledge and Power, London: Routledge. BATES, Donald La Vere (), The Origins and Career Path Development of the Modern Turkish Business Elite, University of Arkansas, Department of Business Administration. (PhD Thesis). BUGRA, A. (), Türkiye’de Devlet ve İşadamları, İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları. ÇAĞLAR, A. & ARSLAN, A. (), “Cumhuriyet’ten Günümüze Türk Siyasi Liderleri: Atatürk’ten Demirel’e Üst Siyasi Elitler”, Hacettepe Üniversitesi, İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi, Cilt: 18, Sayı: 2, , ss. , HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 53 DODD, C.H. (), The Crisis of Turkish Democracy, Beverley: Eothen. ETZONI, H. (), The Elite Connection, London: Polity Press. FIELDING, J. (), SPSS for Windows V. , Guildford: University of Surrey. JANOWITZ, M. (), The Military in the Political Developments of New Nations, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. HERTZ, Rosanna & Imber, Jonathan B. (), Studying Elites Using Qualitative Methods, London: Sage. HIGLEY, J. & et al. (), Elites in Australia, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. HÜRRİYET (Turkish Daily Newspaper), LERNER, D. & ROBINSON, R. D. (), “Swords and Ploughshares: The Turkish Army as a Modernising Force”, World Politics, October , pp.: LEWIS, B. (), The Emergence of Modern Turkey, London: Oxford UP. MILLS, C. W. (), Power, Politics and People, NewYork: Oxford UP. MILLS, C.W. (), The Power Elite, London: Oxford University Press. MOORE, G. (), Studies of the Structure of National Elite Groups, London: Jai Press Inc. MOYSER, G. & Wagstaffe, M. (), Research Methods for Elite Studies, London: Allen & Unwin. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 54 NEBİLER, H. (), Medyanın Ekonomi Politiği: Türk Basınında Tekelleşme, İstanbul: Sarmal Yayınları. SÖNMEZ, M. (), Kırk Haramiler: Türkiye’de Holdingler, Ankara: Arkadaş Yayınları. TANJU, S. (), Hacı Ömer Sabancı, İstanbul: Agah Ofset Basımevi. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 55 HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 56 CHAPTER: 3 TERMS OF SYSTEMIZATION OF TOPONIMIC PLOTS AND CATAGORIES OF UZBEK FOLK LEGENDS ABOUT PLACE NAMES Ulugbek SATTOROV 1 Kaynak: funduszeue.info 1 Özbekistan. [email protected] HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 57 ABSTRACT It is well-known that the development of criteria for classifying toponymic myths about the origin of place names and further improving the existing scientific views is one of the most pressing problems of modern folklore. Although many scientific works on the study of the nature, artistic features and plot types of folklore genres of legends and narratives have not been created yet, there is no comprehensive scientific classification of these folk genres. This is because, in our view, the scientific criteria underlying classification are not fully developed. Therefore, in this work, we found it necessary to critically analyze the classifications in the scientific works on toponymic prose research in folklore and the criteria underlying these classifications. Due to the fact that classification of non-fiction genre of folklore is one of the most important issues of folklore, scientists have been paying attention to this problem for almost 80 years. In in Budapest there was a special international scientific conference on the problem of oral genres in classification and analysis of other genres of oral prose. Keywords: Uzbek Folk, Uzbek Folk Legends, Place Names, Toponimic Plots, Systemization Of Toponimic Plots. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 58 TERMS OF SYSTEMIZATION OF TOPONIMIC PLOTS AND CATAGORIES OF UZBEK FOLK LEGENDS ABOUT PLACE NAMES It is well-known that the development of criteria for classifying toponymic myths about the origin of place names and further improving the existing scientific views is one of the most pressing problems of modern folklore. Although many scientific works on the study of the nature, artistic features and plot types of folklore genres of legends and narratives have not been created yet, there is no comprehensive scientific classification of these folk genres. This is because, in our view, the scientific criteria underlying classification are not fully developed. Therefore, in this work, we found it necessary to critically analyze the classifications in the scientific works on toponymic prose research in folklore and the criteria underlying these classifications. Due to the fact that classification of non-fiction genre of folklore is one of the most important issues of folklore, scientists have been paying attention to this problem for almost 80 years. In in Budapest there was a special international scientific conference on the problem of oral genres in classification and analysis of other genres of oral prose. At the same conference, the legends and legends, which were classified into four categories and described as "historic and cultural-historical," included "myths and legends related to the emergence of cultural monuments and settlements."1 It seems that in this classification, first of all, the inclusion of myths and legends that serve as an explanation of the meaning of place names in the "historical and cultural-historical type." Although such narratives have HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 59 historic and historical-ethnographic specificity, it is not the leading epic character of the toponymic prose. In historical myths and legends, this character is considered to be a leading epic. Therefore, it is desirable for us to summarize the legends and myths of place names, cultural and historical monuments and natural monuments as works of "toponymic type". Second, it seems to be logical repetition in the above classification. If we take into consideration that the terms "cultural monuments and places of residence" also apply to toponymy, the classification inconsistency is apparent. In our opinion, the repetition of these works by a group under the name of "myths and legends related to place names" would have been eliminated. The issue of identifying and classifying the genre of folklore prose was also on the agenda at the VII International Congress of Anthropologists and Ethnographers in in Moscow. Consequently, Russian folklore used several classification methods to classify toponymic prose folklore. The well-known Russian folklorist V.K. Sokolova, who has thoroughly studied the theoretical views of foreign scholars on the classification of works of folklore, has studied the toponymic narratives of the eastern Slavic peoples and proposed to classify them based on the naming of the toponymic code of narrative plot: place names, based on the name of the person who resides in a particular place, the seed to which he or she belongs, or the social status, profession, nationality and other characteristics of the person; 2) names related to historical events, traditions and customs of the local population; 3) names of places formed by a person's words or expressions.2 In , the folklorist E.A. Orlova published the first book “Toponymic Narratives of the Voronezh Region”. The folklore in this collection, composed of legends and myths from a particular region, is organized HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 60 according to the following classification: 1) The "cycle of nature," a category of nature, or a description of the terrain, river and tributary, real and legendary creatures; 2) "First settlement cycle", or "legend of the indigenous population", or narratives related to the first settlers, settlers, robbers, and various tribes; 3. Tatar-mongolian cycle, that is, "Mongol- Tartar series" or love stories, stories about Tatar khans and military patriotism of the Russian people; 4) Narratives of the "cycle of the Church," "Church constitution"; 5) The "cycle of history", that is, "historical narratives" or narratives about toponyms given by historical figures3. Although this classification covers the main plot types of toponymic print samples from the Voronezh region, it is not so successful as it is not based on a single classification criterion. In his concluding essay he wrote to this complex, E. Orlova approved his scientific description of V. Sokolova's classification of the classical eastern Slavic toponymic narratives. Later, scholars who have studied the myths and legends of folklore of the world have come up with the idea of different classification criteria based on the nature of the factual material collected in their hands. For example, N.D. Foshko, who studied prose genres of Khmer folklore living in Campucia, tried to classify toponymic myths by the history of traditional epic plots. According to him, if you approach this issue, you will find that the toponymic myths with an ancient basis differ from the more recent toponymic myths.4 According to the classification of folklore scholar funduszeue.inforov, who analyzed the peculiarities of the chorus-buriat toponymic myths, folk legends about place names are divided into two types: a) Toponymic myths of historical meaning; b) toponymic myths of mythological character. 5 Although this article is based on epic plots that relate directly to real HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 61 historical reality, the mythological creatures such as Araaha (Rahu) and epic heroes, especially mythological prose, are based on epic plots was analyzed. If we consider the works of the national genre as "genre", the subject of which is a realistic reality, the plot of the folklore included in the first paragraph of funduszeue.inforov's classification is toponymic. The folklorologist funduszeue.info classified the toponymic narratives as follows: 1) Toponymic narratives of the historical and heroic type; 2) toponymic narratives related to nart; 3) toponymic narratives of family and household character.6 This classification is based on the materials of Adig folklore, and takes into account the peculiarities of the narrative of reality reported in toponymic narratives. In a joint article by O.E. Afanasev and A.V. Trotsenko, Ukrainian toponymic legends collected from the Dneprepetrovsk region were classified into five types based on nouns: the origin of the place based on the "toponymic motif" of the plot: ; b) names related to religious and economic events and objects; c) names related to the ethno-cultural environment (language, subculture, cultural objects and events); d) names of ethnic groups that have previously lived in a particular place - names related to ethnic groups; 5) The memorial, that is, with the name, intended to perpetuate a particular historical person. 7 Dariga folklorist E.M. Aliyeva categorized the myths and legends of Russian scholars into mythological, historical, domestic, toponymic and religious themes. In his view, the plot of toponymic narratives differs from the toponymic myths by the fact that it is based on real-life facts. Because of the myths and epic interpretations of ancient mythological ideas, religious and beliefs of the people, and fantasy images. In her dissertation, E.M. Aliyeva classified her toponymic narratives into two groups: a) HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 62 Legends about the origin of the village and the auls; b) Narrations related to the name of nature objects.8 Although the present study is devoted to the study of two genres of folklore - myths and legends, the dissertation did not classify the internal grouping of perverse toponymic myths. Folklore scientist funduszeue.inforyuk categorized toponymic myths and legends: 1) The origin of the name of the mountain, the top, the rock, the steppe, the castle; 2) about the history of the name of rivers and lakes; 3) Appearance of the name of residential areas; 4) about the history of certain geographical objects. This classification is not perfect because it does not cover all the topics of toponymic fiction (for example, texts related to the names of woods, springs, cemeteries, places of worship)9. The researcher of Ukrainian toponymic prose V.V. Sokil categorized materials collected from the slopes of the Carpathian Mountains based on the experience of Russian, Ukrainian and Moldavian folklore experts in the grouping of myths and legends: 1) Mythological (velikan, ie hero-titans). , metamorphoses, goddesses, demons, and half human beings, semi -emonic creatures); 2) historical (Swatoslav, Dobbush, external enemies, Cossacks, heroes defending the homeland during the Great Patriotic War); 3) natural and geographical (relief, flora and fauna); 4) household (family, household, social, household, production process) The disadvantage of this classification is that because Vakil's research was devoted to the study of toponymic myths and legends of Ukrainians living in the Carpathians, the classification must also include toponymic fiction. However, only one part of this classification, that is, the term "natural-geographical," corresponds to the toponymic prose. The other points in the classification relate to mythological, social and historical myths. 11 HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 63 In the 30th volume of the Siberian and Far Eastern folklore monuments, published in , texts from other genres of the Altai folklore, "capsule" are classified as the following types: about the stars, the moon and the sun; about the flood; about the end of the world; about animals; important things; the spirits of mountains and rivers; about the spirits of the lower world; place names; about seeds; about candles; about historical events According to V. Sirf, a Gagauz folklore artist, oral prose works contained in Gagauz folklore can be divided into two major groups: a) "fairy-tale epic" - zoomorphic, voracious, magical, life-style fairy tales; b) "Nostrak prose" - variations of myths, Turkic peoples' epics, bracelets, legends, legends, stories and comic miniatures. It divides Gagauz folk tales into four types: 1) etiological myths; 2) toponymic myths; 3) apocryphal myths; 4) fairy tales. According to the scientist, “toponymic legends telling about the history of the origin of names and about the appearance of certain localities, villages, rivers, springs, etc., are a special variety of Gagauz folk traditions. As a rule, they reflect certain events from the history or geography of the region, and the narrative submits to the main task - to convince listeners of the authenticity of the events" The author correctly describes the nature and functional-semantic properties of toponymic myths. In his classification, V. Sirf refers to the myths that express the religious views on the origin or origin of life on earth under the term "fairy-tales" or "mythical fairy tales". In our opinion, myths and fairy tales are two different genres of oral prose, and in this case it is wrong to use them in pairs. The examples that the author cites as "mythical fairy tales" are religious myths. Azerbaijan folklore has also put forward a number of scientific views on the classification of toponymic myths. In particular, in his research on HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 64 Azerbaijani folklore Valery Valiyev divided myths into four groups based on the basics of origin: a) myths related to natural phenomena, creatures, plants and trees; b) Myths arising from the imagination of natural forces as humans; c) legends related to historical person, events and monuments; d) religious myths It is clear that V. Veliev is not a separate type of toponymic myths, but is grouped together with historical legends. Classifying Azerbaijani folk tales funduszeue.infoiev categorized folklore works of this genre according to the theme: 1) cosmogonic myths; 2) myths related to geographical and toponymic terms; 3) "catastrophic" (end) motives; 4) myths related to land fauna; 5) myths related to flora; 6) anthropomorphic myths; 7) myths related to the monuments of material culture; 8) myths, semi-myths and historical myths; 9) myths related to folk art. 14 It is desirable that the second and the seventh paragraphs of this classification are actually rounded up under the name of “toponymic myths”. Because the names of the "monuments of material culture" are also toponyms, and therefore, oral prose works about the origin of these names should be classified as examples of toponymic prose. Writing a textbook on Azerbaijani folklore, funduszeue.infoev classified the genre of myth and described the subject area of toponymic myths as "legends related to place names, castles, and monuments."15 S. Pashaev, who has collected and published the Azerbaijani myths and legends on place names, in his book "Living Legends" classified toponymic myths as follows: 1) Legends about rocks and rocks; 2) Fountains, rivers, lakes, smallpox and bird legends; 3) Mountain legends; 4) Legends related to the statutory theme; 5) Myths of Girl Castles; 6) Fairy Tales; 7) Legends of the Old Fortresses In the folklore collection "Legends of the Plateau", the scientist further expanded this classification and grouped the legends as follows: 1) Legends of rocks and rocks; 2) Mountain legends; 3) Fountains of rivers, HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 65 rivers, lakes and seas; 4) Little legends and flowers; 5) Bird legends; 7) Moon and Sun Legends; 8) Serpent myths; 9) Legend of deer and gazelle; 10) Myths about Noah; 11) Myths of Girl Castles; 12) Legends of old castles; 13) Dada Korkut legends; 14) Legends related to Nizami; 15) Fairy Tales; 16) Myths related to the story "Cabbage and Original"; 17) Myths on another topic In his book The Legends of Our Country, which he has collected and published, there are five types of Azerbaijani legends, such as myths about nature and man, heroic myths, myths of love, myths about family and life, and historical legends The classifications differ because there is no specific scientific criterion in the classification of myths included in these collections. In addition, we believe that all myths about rock, rock, mountains, springs, rivers, lakes and seas, girl fortresses and old fortresses are toponymic, and do not fit together. In our view, it would be appropriate to classify the legends in these collections by S. Pashaev into three groups: mythological, toponymic and historical legends. The above brief analysis proves that there is no single scientific criterion in the classification of folk legends in the Azerbaijan folklore, and therefore the specific features of toponymic myths as folklore are not well defined. The materials presented in the collection of Azerbaijani legends are classified into five groups: a) music legends; b) mythological myths; c) historical legends; d) Topographic Legends; e) other myths. 19 Although this classification is based on a specific scientific criterion and convergence with world experience in the classification of myths, we would prefer to use the term "toponymic myths" instead of the term "toponym myths." Because the term "toponym" is a term used in linguistics, which is an onomastic concept of the place name. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 66 The researcher of the Turkmen folklore funduszeue.infoadov in his thesis, devoted to the analysis of folk tales, toponymic narratives fall into two groups: a) narratives of historical monuments; b) the origin story20; Historical monuments are, to some extent, an object, so this classification is also repeated. In another monograph, A. Baymiradov, who classifies narratives into three groups - historical, toponymic and etiological, analyzes folklore about the origins of the names of the citadel, the castle, the palace and the village in his work According to the Kazakh folk singer SA Kagabasov, “the classification of narratives into historical and toponymic groups is merely conditional and is based on the subject matter of the story being narrated. In fact, just as toponymic narratives have real historical roots, historical narratives are often found in toponymic motives. The text is rather toponymic, rather than the subject matter. Therefore, it is often difficult to differentiate between these two types of narration.”22 In his study of the Kazakh folk prose he described "apsana stories" as three types: a) historical and geographical myths; b) religious-myths; c) Utopian myths According to the scientist, "historical and geographical myths" are based on three sources: a) oral stories about real historical people and their actions in the past; b) popular views aimed at explaining the origin and meaning of land and water names; c) Based on the chapters of the Qur'an and other religious books This idea is of great scientific value in identifying the origin and sources of a plot of toponymic myths and legends in Turkic peoples, including Uzbek folklore. In his article on Kazakh folklore, Professor funduszeue.info distinguished the prose genres of "Angiz" and "apsana" by dividing them into the following subtypes: 1. Angels: a) historical concepts; b) geographical concepts; c) lower abdomen. 2. Apsans: (a) historical and geographical apes; b) religious HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 67 apes; c) Utopian apsas; d) Aps of the music; 25 While we believe that the historical and geographical segregation is correct in the classification of angles, the combination of apsana in the "historical-geographical" form (that is, the repetition of S. Kaskabasov's classification) is the result of ignoring historical and toponymic myths. Moreover, given the fact that religious myths also reflect a certain historical reality, it would be better to combine the a-b clauses of funduszeue.info's classification and to separate geographical myths as separate species. Kazakh scholar A. Akenova- Nurgaliyeva researcher of Akmula's narration has two types of toponymic narratives: a) Toponymic narratives describing the life of the Kazakh people; b) toponymic narratives about the life of the Russians who settled and settled Tatar and Bashkir folklore also has its own way of classifying myths and legends. In particular, SM Giylajetdinov relates the Tatar folk tales to the following groups: 1) historical narratives; 2) the origin of the aouls; 3) toponymic narratives; 4) Life and family narratives. 27 The texts of many volumes of Tatar folklore included in the book "Myths and Legends" by this scientist are also based on this classification. What is remarkable is that the classification of the name of the aouls is in fact a system of toponymic narratives. The same classification method was used to create the complex “Bashkir folk art: legends, legends” prepared by the folklorist of Bashkir F. Nadrshina. This collection contains legends, legends related to the names of land, water, rocks and other places, as well as the chapters in the history of the hurricane Having studied genres of Uyghur folklore, M. Aliyeva divided other genres of folk prose into "apsana" and "narration" and classified them into toponymic and historical types. According to him, the toponymic myths and HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 68 legends are folklore about the names of the Uigurs from ancient times, the geographical structure of the region and the origin of the names of other toponymic terms Altai folklore S.S. Katash divided the myths into two groups, such as "myth-power" and "legend-kuuchin", and classified "legenda-kuuchin" into four types: a) toponymic myths; b) historical and toponymic myths; c) historical legends; d) social myths. 30 Karakalpak scholar GS Kalbaeva hydrodynamic toponymic myths (associated with ponds); depending on the location, location, fortresses and aouls, as well as the legends about sacred places and shrines The Uzbek folklore also contains some interesting ideas concerning the classification of toponymic myths and legends. For example, Professor funduszeue.infoakov classifies Uzbek folk tales, distinguishing "toponymic, hydronymic narratives" as a distinct type. 32 Taking into consideration the fact that some of the names of the place are connected with ancient mythological ideas, folklorist funduszeue.info in his scientific information justified the essence of the concept of "mythotoponim". 33 This showed that in the classification of toponymic myths and legends related to place names, it is necessary to separate and analyze mythotoponimic works. Researcher Z. Jumaev also attributed Nurata's toponymic myths to Rahatulla Yusuf Ugli such as ethnotoponic, hydronymic, and aykonimik. 34 It is clear that, despite the fact that there has been some scientific expertise in the classification of toponymic myths in folklore, there is still no perfect classification of such folklore. In our view, it is appropriate to describe and study the Uzbek toponymic myths based on several classification criteria. One such scientific criterion is based on the plot of myths about place names, ie the history of the formation of the fabulati, that is, the stages of its evolution. Because the plot system of toponymic myths is a product of a HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 69 certain historical period. It is the result of the consistent development of the national epic thinking during a certain historical and folklore process. Therefore, the toponymic myths of the Uzbek people can be classified by the time of the myth of the plot: 1) Ancient Toponymic Legends. The stories of this type include Afrosiab and Iskandar, as well as traditional motives related to Avesto. Examples of the earliest toponymic myths can be found in the works of Mahmud Kashghari's "Devonu lugotit Turk" and Narshakhi's "History of Bukhara". 2) Medieval toponymic myths. The exploitation of Central Asia by the Arabs and the Mongols, and the toponymic myths that emerged in the later periods, are reflected in the courageous struggle of our people for the independence of the country. 3) New toponymic myths. Since the sixteenth century, complex ethnogenetic processes have taken place in the territory of our country and different tribes have played an important role in the emergence of many new villages. Therefore, the toponymic myths that emerged during this period reflect the historical events of that time. The bulk of the Uzbek toponymic myths are folklore of the third type. The theme layers of toponymic myths are also diverse. Such myths tell about the development of new places, the migration of tribes to certain places, the struggle of our ancestors for freedom and freedom, the emergence of sacred shrines, and the history of the tombs. In our view, the Uzbek toponymic myths can be classified into the following groups: 1) myths about the development of new lands and the creation of settlements; 2) legends explaining the geographical structure and landscape of the country; 3) myths about the origin of natural monuments and the construction of historical monuments; 4) legends providing information on HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 70 the location and migration of tribes; 5) legends reflecting our ancestors' struggle for liberation; 6) myths about the birth of sacred shrines and tombs. It is well-known that in linguistics, different place names are distinguished by their distinctive features, namely motives and the nature of the object represented by a particular name. Each group of toponyms classified on this basis is called by separate linguistic terms. As these myths and tales of place names reflect these characteristics of toponymics, we think that the use of the classification criteria of linguistics in their classification and analysis can be quite clear. We consider it appropriate to classify Uzbek toponymic myths into the following types by applying theoretical concepts of the classification of toponyms in Uzbek onomics to folklore: 1) mythical; 2) hydronymic myths; 3) Oronic myths; 4) necronymic myths. This classification is based on the lingo poetic nature of the toponymic code in the mythology of toponymic myths, that is, the reasons for the occurrence of a particular place are described according to the motives of that toponymic name. However, each item of this classification is characterized by a specific theme of folklore. HUMAN - SCIENCE & SOCIETY -2 71 REFERENCE 1 Азбелев С.Н. Проблемы международной систематизации преданий и легенд // Русский фольклор. Т.Х. – М.: Наука, ‒ С 2 Соколова В.К. 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