AGSU-AZERBAIJAN
EDITED BY
Dr. Fariz Khalilli
1-5 OCTOBER 2012
AGSU, AZERBAIJAN
BAKI / BAKU-2015
Beynəlxalq Avrasiya Arxeologiyası Konfransı 1-5 OCTOBER-2012
International Congress of Eurasian Archaeology AGSU-AZERBAIJAN
MÜNDƏRİCAT
KARADENİZ ARAŞTIRMALARI<br />
BALKAN, KAFKAS, DOĞU AVRUPA VE ANADOLU İNCELEMELERİ DERGİSİ<br />
K a r a M<br />
KIŞ 2011 · Sayı 28
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K<strong>ara</strong>deniz Araştırmaları<br />
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İçindekiler / Contents<br />
1 TurkishForeignPolicytowardtheBosnianWar<br />
(1992‐1995): A Constructivist Analysis<br />
Türkiye ve Bosna Savaşı (19921995): İnşaci<br />
Kuram Çerçevesinde Bir Analiz<br />
Birgül Demirtaş Coşkun<br />
19 The Strategic Relevance of AGRI in<br />
Europe’sSouthernGasCorridor<br />
Avrupa’nın Güney Gaz Koridorunda AGRI’nin<br />
Stratejik Ayrıcalığı<br />
LászlóMarácz<br />
29 ХодИсторииВспятьНеОбратить<br />
Tarihin Akışı Geri Döndürülemez<br />
Константин Думаа<br />
51 XVI. Yüzyıl Anadolusunda Dış Göçler: Şarkiyan<br />
Migration in the 16th Century Anatolia:<br />
Şarkiyan<br />
Alpaslan Demir<br />
67 XVII. Yüzyıl Macar Millet Anlayışının İdeolojik<br />
İçeriği Açısından Bir Örnek: Kuruz Hareketi Ve<br />
Askeri Potansiyeli<br />
An Example for the Ideological Contents of the<br />
Hungarian National Idea in the 17thCentury<br />
Was the Kuruc Movement and Its Military Force<br />
Hüseyin Şevket Çağatay Çapraz<br />
85 Mazlumların Kuramcısı ve Stratejisti: Sultan<br />
Galiyev<br />
Theorist and Strategist of Underdogs: Sultan<br />
Galiyev<br />
Demirhan Fahri Erdem<br />
115 Yusuf Ziya Yozgadî ve Temaşâ‐yı Celâl‐i Hüdâ<br />
Adlı Eseri<br />
Yusuf Ziya Yozgadîand His WorkTemaşâyi<br />
Celâli Hüdâ<br />
Yunus Özger<br />
151 Sıkıntı Kavramı ve Bir Küçük Burjuvanın Gençlik<br />
Yılları Romanı<br />
Concept of BoredomandtheNovelYoungDays of a<br />
LittleBourgeois<br />
Oğuz Öcal<br />
Kitap Değerlendirme / BookReviews<br />
165 Robert Dankoff: Seyyahı Âlem Evliyâ Çelebi’nin<br />
Dünyaya Bakışı<br />
Yahya Kemal Taştan<br />
177 K<strong>ara</strong>deniz Araştırmaları Dergisi 7. Cilt Dizini<br />
Index of the Volume VII of "K<strong>ara</strong>deniz Araştırmaları"<br />
181 Yayın İlkeleri<br />
EditorialPrinciples
TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY TOWARD THE BOSNIAN<br />
WAR (1992-‐1995): A CONSTRUCTIVIST ANALYSIS<br />
Birgül Demirtaş Coşkun *<br />
Özet<br />
Bu çalışmada Türkiye'deki k<strong>ara</strong>r alıcıların Bosna Savaşı'na yönelik<br />
izledikleri dış politika analiz edilmektedir. Araştırma sorusu Türkiye'nin o<br />
dönemdeki mevcut iç ve dış sorunlarına karşın nasıl olup da aktif bir politika<br />
izleyebildiğidir. Bu çalışma yeni bir devlet kimliği <strong>ara</strong>yışı sürecinin bu<br />
politikada etkili olduğunu savunmaktadır.<br />
Anahtar Kelimeler: Türkiye, Bosna, Balkanlar, dış politika, devlet kimliği<br />
Abstract<br />
The main aim of this essay is to examine the policy adopted by Turkish<br />
decision makers toward the Bosnian War between 1992 and 1995. The<br />
puzzling question is that why Turkey attempted to play an active role during<br />
the war in Bosnia in spite of its internal and external problems at the time. This<br />
study argues that the search for a new state identity in the post-‐Cold War era<br />
provided the key to understand Turkish foreign policy towards the Bosnian<br />
conflict. It is argued that by developing an active attitude toward the conflict,<br />
Ank<strong>ara</strong> was in fact trying to reformulate its former identity, which had been<br />
constructed during the Cold War. Turkey was trying to prove that it was still<br />
important for Western security in the new era. The study shows that the wars<br />
of Yugoslav dissolution witnessed many speeches of Turkish leaders declaring<br />
the greatness of the country. This dominant discourse was accompanied by an<br />
active foreign policy by the Turkish leaders. At the time Ank<strong>ara</strong> started many<br />
diplomatic initiatives to bring the Bosnian issue to the attention of the<br />
international community. This study argues that the discourse and foreign<br />
policy during the Bosnian War were caused by Turkish leaders’ desire to show<br />
Turkey’s still lasting geopolitical signifance to the world.<br />
INTRODUCTION<br />
Keywords: Turkey,, Bosnia, Balkans, foreign policy, state identity.<br />
This article examines the policy adopted by Turkish decision makers<br />
toward the Bosnian War between 1992 and 1995. The puzzling question is<br />
why Turkey attempted to play an active role during the war in Bosnia in<br />
spite of its internal and external problems? This study argues that the<br />
search for a new state identity by the policy makers provides the key to<br />
* Doç. Dr., Başkent Üniversitesi Siyaset Bilimi ve Ulusl<strong>ara</strong>rası İlişkiler Bölümü Eskişehir Yolu<br />
20. km. Bağlıca 06810 Ank<strong>ara</strong>. [email protected].<br />
K<strong>ara</strong>deniz Araştırmaları • Kış 2011 • Sayı 28 • 1-‐18
Birgül Demirtaş Coşkun<br />
understanding Turkish foreign policy toward the problems in former<br />
Yugoslavia. It is argued that by developing an active attitude toward the<br />
conflict, Ank<strong>ara</strong> was in fact trying to reformulate its former identity, which<br />
had been constructed during the Cold War. Turkey was trying to prove that<br />
it was still important for Western security in the new era. It was trying to<br />
project its new identity as a regional power, but it wanted to maintain its<br />
Western-‐oriented foreign policy as well. Its active policy in the Balkans can<br />
be attributed to its search for a reformulation of its former identity in<br />
accordance with new international circumstances.<br />
The article will, first, look at the position of Turkey in the new<br />
conditions of international politics in the post-‐Cold War era. Second it will<br />
examine the theoretical approach that is believed to be useful to<br />
understand its foreign policy toward the Bosnian case. Third it will consider<br />
Ank<strong>ara</strong>’s approach toward the outbreak of the violence in Yugoslav<br />
territories, mainly in Slovenia and Croatia. Fourth its attitude during the<br />
Bosnian War that was the longest lasting and the bloodiest conflict in<br />
Europe after the Second World War will be analysed. Fifth and last the main<br />
findings of the research will be summarized.<br />
TURKEY IN THE NEW INTERNATIONAL ORDER<br />
The collapse of the Cold War led to a new perception of Turkey in the West;<br />
Turkey, which had considered herself an insep<strong>ara</strong>ble part of the West<br />
during the Cold War, found itself in the position of an “awkward partner”. 1<br />
The basic question was what kind of role Turkey would play in the new<br />
conditions of global politics. Would Turkey continue to be a part of the<br />
Western alliance or turn its face to the newly independent Turkic republics?<br />
However the Gulf crisis which erupted in 1990 and resulted in US-‐led war<br />
against Iraq changed the US perception of Turkey. 2 Due to the irredentist<br />
policy of Saddam Hussein Washington realized that Turkey’s regional role<br />
was still important for US national interests in the Middle East. The book<br />
entitled Turkey’s New Geopolitics from the Balkans to Western China 3<br />
published by the RAND Corporation, one of the most influential think tanks<br />
in the US, emphasized increasing role of Turkey. It was argued that Turkey<br />
1 Erik Cornell, Turkey in the 21st Century, Opportunities, Challenges, Threats (Britain: Curzon,<br />
2001), p. 3.<br />
2 For a discussion of the effect of the Gulf War on the US perception of Turkey please see<br />
Faruk Sönmezoğlu, ‘Dünya ve Türkiye’, in F. Sönmezoğlu (ed.), Türk Dış Politikasının Analizi<br />
(İstanbul: Der, 2004), p. 997.<br />
3 Graham E. Fuller et. al., Turkey’s New Geopolitics from the Balkans to Western China (Boulder:<br />
Westview Press, 1993).<br />
2
Turkish Foreign Policy toward the Bosnian War (1992-‐1995)<br />
become a regional power and the changes ensuing from the dissolution of<br />
the Soviet Union made Turkey a critical power. 4<br />
Philip Robins, meanwhile, maintained that Turkey’s strategic role in<br />
the new era decreased and increased at the same time. Though it lost the<br />
role that it had played during the Cold War, it became a regional player in<br />
the 1990s by pursuing an active foreign policy in its neighborhood. 5 Robins<br />
argued that the US recognized the increasing importance of Turkey<br />
whereas Europe did not. It was also becoming clear that Turkey did not<br />
share the euphoria of Western countries about the Soviet dissolution.<br />
Turkey had difficulty adapting itself to the new norms on issues like human<br />
rights increasingly emphasized by the West.<br />
Another argument with regard to Turkey’s position in the new<br />
international system was concerned with whether Turkey was a security<br />
producing country or security consuming country. 6 Especially the member<br />
states of the European Union were of the opinion that Turkey was mostly a<br />
security consuming country leading to the commonly held belief that it did<br />
not deserve to be taken into the Union.<br />
In sum, while some observers maintained that Turkey became an<br />
important regional power in the new era by allying itself with the US, the<br />
sole superpower in the post-‐Cold War period, others suggested that<br />
Turkey’s global position was harmed by the end of the perceived Soviet<br />
threat. A main hypothesis of this study is that the new status of Turkey in<br />
world politics is rather different from its former role. Because Turkey was<br />
no longer a neighbor to one of the superpowers, the geostrategic<br />
importance of Turkey changed. This could best be observed in the changing<br />
Turkish perception of the European Union that concentrated all its energy<br />
in enlarging toward the Central and East European countries but excluding<br />
Turkey.<br />
Further, the transformation of external global dynamics was coupled<br />
with internal crises in Turkey as two important problems emerged which<br />
challenged the state identity of Turkey: Kurdish nationalism and religious<br />
fundamentalism. The PKK began its violent attacks in southeastern Turkey<br />
in 1984. Following the Gulf War, it also benefited from the authority<br />
vacuum in northern Iraq. After 1990, it increased its attacks against Turkish<br />
security officials, as well as Kurdish civilians who were accused of being “on<br />
the side of the Turkish state”. The first half of the 1990s saw the peak of<br />
PKK activities. During the same period the state identity of Turkey was<br />
4 For another evaluation of Turkey’s regional power role please see I. O. Lesser, ‘Turkey’s<br />
Strategic Options’, The International Spectator, Vol. 34 (1999), p. 87.<br />
5 Philip Robins, Suits and Uniforms, Turkish Foreign Policy Since the Cold War (Seattle:<br />
University of Washington Press, 2003), p. 12.<br />
6 Ali L. K<strong>ara</strong>osmanoğlu, ‘Avrupa Güvenlik ve Savunma Kimliği Açısından Türkiye-‐Avrupa<br />
Birliği İlişkileri’, Doğu Batı, Vol. 4 (2001), p. 161.<br />
3
Birgül Demirtaş Coşkun<br />
challenged by another trend as well: religious fundamentalism<br />
ch<strong>ara</strong>cterized especially by an increasing number of votes for the Welfare<br />
Party under the leadership of Necmettin Erbakan. Political Islam has been<br />
one of the main concerns of the Turkish political elite since the foundation<br />
of the Republic in 1923. The fact that the Welfare Party increased its share<br />
of votes at every election since 1984 local elections led to increasing<br />
apprehension 7 and the issue of political Islam (irtica) became more acute.<br />
In that context, it was not surprising that in the National Political Document<br />
of 1992 increasing political Islam was evaluated as “a serious danger” since<br />
it was seen as a threat to the secular system of the country 8 In brief, it was<br />
not only external challenges that Turkey had to face, but also serious<br />
internal problems, like Kurdish nationalism and political Islam.<br />
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK<br />
As states interact with each other they gain an identity for themselves and<br />
also attach an identity to the others. Certainly the international aspect of<br />
state identity is only one part of the whole picture: there are also domestic<br />
factors defining what kind of entity a state would become. When one<br />
compares the relative weight of domestic and international factors for<br />
determination of state identity, for Wendt, state identity is to a great extent<br />
established by the international system. 9 But the important thing at this<br />
point is the significance of the concept of “state identity” for international<br />
politics. First a definition of the concept is needed: state identity consists of<br />
“a set of beliefs about nature and purpose of state expressed in public<br />
articulations of state actions and ideals”. 10 It is basically about the definition<br />
of a state’s rights, obligations and responsibilities and also of the meaning<br />
attributed to other actors. In a way it is about setting boundaries between<br />
oneself and others: 11 Who are you relative to others? And who are they<br />
relative to yourself and themselves?<br />
States have in fact two kinds of identities: internal and external. While<br />
internal identity refers to the set of understandings within the boundaries<br />
7 Heinz Kramer, A Changing Turkey, The Challenge to Europe and the United States<br />
(Washington, D. C.: Brookings, 2000), p. 55; İhsan D. Dağı, ‘Transformation of Islamic Political<br />
Identity in Turkey: Rethinking the West and the Westernization’, Turkish Studies, Vol. 6<br />
(2005), p. 25.<br />
8 Gencer Özcan, ‘Doksanlarda Türkiye’nin Ulusal Güvenlik ve Dış Politikasında Askeri Yapının<br />
Artan Etkisi’, in G. Özcan and Ş. Kut (eds.), En Uzun On Yıl, Türkiye’nin Ulusal Güvenlik ve Dış<br />
Politika Gündeminde Doksanlı Yıllar (İstanbul: Büke, 2000), p. 76.<br />
9 Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University<br />
Press, 1999), p. 20-‐21.<br />
10 Marc Lynch, ‘Abandoning Iraq: Jordan’s Alliances and the Politics of State Identity’, Security<br />
Studies, Vol. 8 (Winter 1998-‐1999, Spring 1999), p. 349.<br />
11 Glenn Chafetz, Michael Spirtas, and Benjamin Frankel, ‘Introduction: Tracing the Influence<br />
of Identity on Foreign Policy’, Security Studies, Vol. 8 (Winter 1998-‐1999, Spring 1999), p. VIII.<br />
4
Turkish Foreign Policy toward the Bosnian War (1992-‐1995)<br />
of that state among its constituent parts, external identity stands for a<br />
state’s place among others in international politics. 12 The former can also<br />
be labelled as national identity. It is the latter concept that will basically be<br />
used in this study. Therefore, whenever state identity is mentioned, what is<br />
in fact meant is the external identity. There is an important relationship<br />
between state identity and foreign policy: 13 one of the significant ways for<br />
states to acquire a new identity or protect the previous one is through<br />
foreign policy. Their interactions with other states are a way of getting<br />
themselves accepted as part of a certain international community and being<br />
respected. Especially during the process of identity formulation or<br />
reformulation, foreign policy is a key instrument for decision makers to<br />
realize their goals. The constructivist approach is therefore expected to<br />
have more explaining power during the periods of new identity creation. 14<br />
The Turkish state played the primary role in the articulation of its<br />
interests and formulation of foreign policy during the Balkan wars of the<br />
1990s. In order to understand what kind of goals it pursued, we first have<br />
to look at its state identity, i.e. how the political leadership perceived rights,<br />
obligations and responsibilities of its own country and other countries in<br />
world politics? In the case of Turkey, political leaders since Atatürk have<br />
seen Turkey’s place as in the Western world. Atatürk’s radical reforms were<br />
all based on the Western model. The foreign policy of modern Turkey can<br />
be understood as a process of developing ever increasing and closer<br />
relations with the West and as an attempt to be recognized as part of them.<br />
Turkey was also a member of the Western bloc during the bipolar era and<br />
contributed to the defence of the West against the perceived threat from the<br />
Soviet Union.<br />
Since the wars in the former Yugoslav territories occurred at the very<br />
time when Turkish state identity was questioned, constructivism can be<br />
used as a theoretical framework in order to understand whether it would<br />
provide us with a better tool to make sense of Turkish foreign policy.<br />
During this formative or reformative period, Turkey was expected to use its<br />
foreign policy to perpetuate the external identities that it had acquired<br />
during the bipolar world order.<br />
How can one analyse whether the identity of Turkey played an<br />
important role in its foreign policy? As constructivist theory argues, this can<br />
be best demonstrated during the formative or reformative period of that<br />
particular identity. Since the 1990s brought intense identity challenges to<br />
12 Paul A. Kowert, ‘National Identity: Inside and Out’, Security Studies, Vol. 8 (Winter 1998-‐<br />
1999, Spring 1999), p. 4.<br />
13 David Campbell, Writing Security United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity<br />
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992), p. 76.<br />
14 J. T. Checkel, ‘The Constructivist Turn in International Relations Theory’, World Politics, Vol.<br />
50 (1998), p. 346.<br />
5
Birgül Demirtaş Coşkun<br />
Ank<strong>ara</strong>, our case study provides us with an important test for constructivist<br />
theory. In order to decide whether state identity was effective in<br />
formulating foreign policy, we should examine the following questions: Was<br />
there any particular kind of identity that policy makers repeatedly stressed<br />
upon in explaining their country’s place in the world? Was the foreign<br />
policy behavior in accordance with the discourse that was emphasized? Did<br />
the attitude comply with the state identity? Did any behaviour or discourse<br />
in opposition to the claimed state identity lead to criticism within state? 15 If<br />
it can be observed that there has been a dominant discourse on a certain<br />
state identity, that Turkey acted in compliance with it, and that any<br />
incompliance was faced with criticism, then we can argue for the validity of<br />
constructivist thought in our case study.<br />
TURKEY AND THE WAR IN BOSNIA<br />
In fact the emerging conflict in Bosnia did not seem to have a direct impact<br />
upon Turkish security considerations in the short or medium term.<br />
Geographically, Bosnia was not in the close neighborhood of Turkey and<br />
despite all speculations that war in the Balkans would lead to a Turkish-‐<br />
Greek war, in a realistic perspective, it did not seem probable that the<br />
conflict would spread to Turkey in the foreseeable future. Philip Robins<br />
argues that in fact it was because of identity and “soft politics” that Turkey<br />
became interested in Bosnia 16 In that context, it can be stated that Turkish<br />
decision makers did not want the conflict in Bosnia to be perceived as a war<br />
between Islam and Christianity. They were also concerned that if the<br />
conflict last too long, Turkish public opinions’ view about Europe can<br />
increasingly be negative. Moreover, the possibility of a new migration flow<br />
to Turkey created apprehension on the part of the policy makers. In other<br />
words, Turkey was interested in the Bosnian conflict not necessariy<br />
because of “hard security” issues, but mostly because of “soft security”<br />
issues including identity and migration.<br />
One of the international platforms that Turkey considered as<br />
important to bring the suffering of the Bosnians to the agenda was the<br />
Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC). A common approach among<br />
the countries whose populations consist mostly of Muslims toward the<br />
Bosnian problem would attract the attention of international organizations<br />
like the UN and get them to take more assertive actions. When the Bosnian<br />
war started, Turkey was the term president of the OIC. Thus, it used this<br />
opportunity to call an extraordinary meeting of foreign ministers in<br />
15 Thomas Banchoff, ‘German Identity and European Integration’, European Journal of<br />
International Relations, Vol. 5 (1999), p. 277.<br />
16 Robins, Suits and Uniforms, pp. 344-‐345.<br />
6
Turkish Foreign Policy toward the Bosnian War (1992-‐1995)<br />
İstanbul. The meeting of foreign ministers from 15 OIC member countries<br />
was held in İstanbul on 17-‐18 June 1992 in which the UN was called on to<br />
take all necessary measures, including military, against Serbs. That was in<br />
fact the position Turkey was already supporting. The Turkish initiative of<br />
convening an extraordinary meeting of the OIC was important because it<br />
transmitted to the world how the countries with Muslim populations<br />
perceived the Bosnian war. Via that meeting, the OIC gained an important<br />
function and could, hence, revitalize its role after a long period. 17<br />
Turkey launched another initiative on Bosnia in August 1992 that<br />
included both diplomatic and military measures. Turkey presented the<br />
“Action Plan” to the permanent representatives of the UNSC and asked them<br />
to implement the measures. The diplomatic part of the plan consisted of the<br />
following proposals: a) Serbian militants should give up their weapons and<br />
hand over their heavy weaponry to the UN personnel within 48 hours. b)<br />
UN officials should be given the right to enter Serbian prisons and take<br />
control over them. c) The UNSC should request Serbia to stop giving aid to<br />
Serbian militias. d) Serbian militias guilty of committing massacres should<br />
be tried in international courts.<br />
The second part of the plan comprised military precautions in which<br />
Turkey proposed to the UNSC members that if the diplomatic measures<br />
were not accepted by the Serbian side or if the measures failed to achieve<br />
the planned aims, then selected Serbian military targets should be bombed<br />
from the air. Foreign Minister Çetin emphasized that the most important<br />
part of the Action Plan was its military part: If other measures did not stop<br />
the Serbian aggression, then a military intervention would be conducted.<br />
Turkey’s Action Plan was one of the most important proposals for putting<br />
an end to the violence in Bosnia in the early phase of the war. 18<br />
From the end of May 1992 onward, Turkey adopted a new attitude<br />
concerning any military intervention in Bosnia. Since there was no sign of<br />
ending the war or reducing its extent, and since the international<br />
community did not show a definite will to deter the aggressor either,<br />
Turkey decided to back an international military operation against Serbian<br />
targets. The intervention should take place within the framework of an<br />
international organization, most probably the UNSC. However, the<br />
government in Ank<strong>ara</strong> emphasized its opposition to any unilateral move<br />
that would not solve the problem. In this way the government distanced<br />
itself clearly from Özal’s attitude.<br />
In the meantime, Turkey was supporting the diplomatic initiatives of<br />
the EC to provide a peaceful solution to the Bosnian conflict. Turkey was<br />
17 Concerning İstanbul meeting of the OIC see Soysal and Kut, Dağılan Yugoslavya, p. 23<br />
18 Şule Kut, ‘Yugoslavya Bunalımı ve Türkiye’nin Bosna-‐Hersek ve Makedonya Politikası:<br />
1990-‐1993’, in Sönmezoğlu (ed.), Türk Dış Politikasının Analizi, p. 330.<br />
7
Birgül Demirtaş Coşkun<br />
invited to the London Conference that was held on 26-‐27 August 1992.<br />
Although Turkey was neither one of the parties to the conflict nor a<br />
member of the EC, it was asked to take part in the conference. In Turkey the<br />
invitation was considered as an important indication of its increasing<br />
importance in the region, its active foreign policy, and its increasing<br />
economic and political weight. It was also a result of the role Turkey played<br />
in the framework of the OIC. In other words, as long as Turkey launched its<br />
own initiatives and developed an assertive policy, it was gaining<br />
importance in the European framework. Its improving status in Balkan<br />
affairs and impact upon the regional actors and Islamic countries made<br />
Europe understand how important and powerful Turkey was. On the other<br />
hand, one should keep in mind that at the time when Turkey was trying to<br />
deal with this heavy foreign policy agenda, it had to continue its struggle<br />
against the PKK as well. Turkey, which tried to keep its security against<br />
increasing PKK attacks and resurfacing Kurdish nationalism in its internal<br />
politics, had to keep its attention on the violent conflict in the Balkans. In<br />
spite of that, from the very beginning of the Bosnian War it tried to follow<br />
an active foreign policy. One of the important reasons behind this assertive<br />
foreign policy was the country’s aim to maintain its Western state identity.<br />
Turkish decisionmakers firmly believed that Ank<strong>ara</strong> was still important for<br />
European security and it could prove its importance to the international<br />
community through its policies during the Bosnian War. As Turkey took<br />
new initiatives and supported heavy-‐handed measures, the West seemed to<br />
understand that Ank<strong>ara</strong>’s role was inevitable in the solution of the conflict<br />
on the European continent. In other words, Turkey’s Western-‐oriented<br />
state identity influenced its formulation of national interest and foreign<br />
policy attitudes. Despite all its internal problems Turkey tried to propose<br />
new initiatives for the solution of the conflict in order to maintain its former<br />
identity.<br />
Another important initiative of Turkey on the Bosnian issue was the<br />
convening of a Balkan Conference in İstanbul on 25 November 1992. As the<br />
violence was going on in Bosnia without any sign of reaching a ceasefire or<br />
an agreement among the parties, there was the growing fear that the<br />
conflict would spread to other regions in the Balkans, especially to Kosovo<br />
and Macedonia. Çetin pointed out that there was a serious danger of the<br />
outbreak of a Balkan war soon and that this was the greatest problem the<br />
world was faced with. Turkey had two fundamental aims in gathering a<br />
regional conference: a) to emphasize once again the necessity of military<br />
intervention, b) to attract attention to the possibility of the war spreading.<br />
The Turkish Foreign Minister emphasized that Turkey decided to take<br />
8
Turkish Foreign Policy toward the Bosnian War (1992-‐1995)<br />
initiative without waiting for the world to find a solution. 19 Regional<br />
countries and some neighboring states took part in the conference:<br />
Macedonia, Croatia, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Austria, Italy, Hungary, and<br />
Romania. The Balkan Conference could be considered as an important<br />
diplomatic initiative of Turkey which aimed to get the international<br />
community to act more assertively to stop the violent incidents in the<br />
Balkans and prevent the beginning of a Balkan war. Turkey was both using<br />
its contacts within the OIC and trying to play a regional leadership role in<br />
order to assert more influence in the international arena.<br />
When it became evident that the international actors did not intend to<br />
conduct a military operation against Serbs in the short-‐term for a variety of<br />
reasons, Turkish leaders decided to start a new initiative to stop the arms<br />
embargo against Bosniaks. They argued that an embargo against the whole<br />
Yugoslavia was in fact harming the Bosniak side since Serbia already had<br />
enough stocks of weaponry and ammunition and was in a position to send<br />
them to the Bosnian Serbs. Serbia could also break the embargo and get<br />
new weapons from other countries. Turkey concentrated its efforts on the<br />
US administration, Islamic countries, and international organizations to lift<br />
the arms embargo against the Bosnian Muslims. Foreign Minister Çetin<br />
argued that the arms embargo led to a situation in which it became<br />
impossible for the Bosniaks to defend themselves; thus the lifting of the<br />
embargo was a moral necessity for the world. At the OIC Summit held in<br />
K<strong>ara</strong>chi in April 1993, Turkey, Pakistan, Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Senegal,<br />
and Malaysia put forward a joint proposal for lifting the embargo against<br />
Bosnia-‐Hercegovina. The proposal was accepted unanimously at the<br />
Summit, in which the OIC member countries called upon the UNSC to take<br />
all necessary measures, including military ones, as soon as possible.<br />
An important question in this regard is whether Turkey sent any<br />
weapons to Bosnia violating the embargo. Accordimg to Turkish press<br />
reports when Turkish journalists asked Foreign Minister Çetin whether<br />
there would be any weapons transfer from Turkey, the Minister remained<br />
silent. However, the former Turkish Chief of Staff Doğan Güreş made public<br />
in late 1994 that during his term there were secret weapons deliveries to<br />
Bosnia. However 90 % of these weapons were seized by Croatia. 20<br />
Remembering that Turkey traditionally tries to maintain its cautious<br />
attitude toward any regional conflict, one should state that sending<br />
weapons to the Bosniak side was a good example of how Turkey deviated<br />
from its traditional foreign policy.<br />
19 The original text of Hikmet Çetin’s statement is the following: “Türkiye dünyadan medet<br />
ummadan inisiyatif almaya k<strong>ara</strong>r vermiştir.” Quoted in Selin Çağlayan, ‘Ank<strong>ara</strong>’nın kâbusu:<br />
Balkan Savaşı…’, Hürriyet, 23 November 1992.<br />
20 ‘Bosna’ya silah gönderdik’, Hürriyet, 4 December 1994.<br />
9
Birgül Demirtaş Coşkun<br />
As the violence between Bosniaks and Croats started in 1993, Turkey<br />
proved itself to be one of the few countries in which both warring sides had<br />
trust. Turkish mediation between the two sides was welcomed. 21 and even<br />
both Bosniak and Croatian leadership asked for it. In their press meeting<br />
Bosniaks and Croats pointed out that whenever their negotiations were<br />
stuck, they applied to the mediation of Foreign Minister Çetin, and only with<br />
his initiatives could the bilateral talks go on. Both sides expressed their<br />
appreciation of Turkey’s role. Çetin also visited S<strong>ara</strong>jevo twice in order to<br />
attend the Bosniak-‐Croat negotiations. By maintaining contact and friendly<br />
relations with the Croat side as well, Turkey might also have attempted to<br />
distance itself from the image of protectors of only the Muslims.<br />
Turkey’s relations with the Bosnian Croat side and the Croatian<br />
leadership were also one of the highlights of the visit of Turkish Prime<br />
Minister Tansu Çiller and her Pakistani counterpart, Benazir Butto, to<br />
S<strong>ara</strong>jevo and Zagreb in February 1994. The two leaders’ visit to Bosnia-‐<br />
Hercegovina was important in several respects. It was the first high level<br />
visit after that of French President Francois Mitterrand. Moreover, as<br />
Western-‐oriented female leaders, their visit attracted the attention of the<br />
world media, thus increasing the international public awareness of the<br />
suffering in the region. Çiller and Butto made public the Decl<strong>ara</strong>tion of<br />
S<strong>ara</strong>jevo, in which they stated the aim of their visit as “humanitarian”, urged<br />
the whole world to help stop the destruction of Bosnia, and requested the<br />
UNSC to implement all its resolutions. They also pointed out that the<br />
“unfair” weapons embargo should be ended. In Zagreb, Çiller met Croatian<br />
leader Tudjman, who asked her to host a summit between Croats and<br />
Bosniaks and convince Izetbegociv to attend. This was also a sign of how<br />
Croatia perceived Turkey as a bridge to get into contact with the Bosniak<br />
leadership.<br />
As a result of its mediating role between Bosnian Croats and<br />
Bosniaks Turkey’s contribution to the agreement on a ceasefire in February<br />
1994 and creation of a federation between them the following month could<br />
not be rejected. Turkey proved itself one of the peace brokers together with<br />
the Washington administration which also appreciated Turkey’s role by<br />
inviting it to the ceremony of the signing of the federation agreement.<br />
Invitation of Turkey could be considered as an indication of its weight in the<br />
region and how its role acquired importance during the Bosnian conflict. It<br />
also showed that the Western world was aware of Turkey’s position<br />
regarding the developments and the international community saw Turkey<br />
within “the Balkan equation”.<br />
21 İlhan Uzgel, ‘Doksanlarda Türkiye İçin Bir İşbirliği ve Rekabet Alanı Ol<strong>ara</strong>k Balkanlar’, in<br />
Gencer Özcan & Şule Kut, eds., En Uzun On Yıl (İstanbul: Boyut, 1998), p. 410-‐411.<br />
10
Turkish Foreign Policy toward the Bosnian War (1992-‐1995)<br />
Moreover, it was not just the regional actors, but also the international<br />
actors that were seeking Turkish support in their attempt to find a peaceful<br />
solution. Lord Owen, a UN representative, and Thorwald Stoltenberg, who<br />
replaced Vance in May 1993 as EC mediator, paid an official visit to Turkey<br />
and asked Turkey to use its influence over the Bosniaks. Owen stated that<br />
the demands of Bosniaks for an outlet to the sea and more territory were<br />
right in essence, however for a stable peace the parties should come to an<br />
agreement. Turkish Foreign Minister Çetin stated that Turkey did not play a<br />
concrete mediation role; however, he would contact Izetbegovic as soon as<br />
possible to provide peace. He also added that Turkey would support<br />
Izetbegovic’s policy to the end.<br />
While trying to convince the international community to act more<br />
forcefully, Turkey also made sure that it was ready to take part in all<br />
military operations to provide peace and order in Bosnia. The UNSC<br />
accepted Resolution 816 allowing NATO planes to attack Serbian war<br />
planes that would try to violate the no-‐fly zone, and NATO aircraft began to<br />
implement the decision on April 12, 1993. As a response, Turkey expressed<br />
its readiness to join the NATO action. After NATO’s invitation, 18 Turkish F-‐<br />
16 planes were sent to the region to monitor the no-‐fly zone. NATO’s<br />
request for Turkey to send its aircraft was considered “a great success of<br />
Ank<strong>ara</strong>” and “a great source of prestige” in the Turkish press.<br />
Turkish Foreign Minister Çetin, who played a critical role in the<br />
formulation of Turkey’s Bosnian policy, resigned in July 1994. During his<br />
term he supported an active but multilateral policy toward the Bosnian<br />
dispute and did not pay any credit to those who were asking for unilateral<br />
military action from Turkey. Before leaving his job he stated the following:<br />
“Turkey was suddenly faced with many problems that all needed Turkey’s<br />
attention. Thanks to Turkey’s initiatives in several issues it was understood<br />
that Turkey was a great state whose opinions were respected.” On Bosnia<br />
he stated:<br />
Turkey did everything that was needed. I myself went to S<strong>ara</strong>jevo<br />
four times under fire. We sent a huge amount of humanitarian aid.<br />
Before the problem intensified, we launched an action plan in August<br />
1992. If that plan had been implemented, the problem would not have<br />
come to the point today. Although everybody stated that it was<br />
impossible, Turkey sent peacekeeping soldiers. 22<br />
Çetin’s remarks pointed out that in the post-‐Cold War era Turkey tried<br />
to find policies to the problems in its neighborhood. He also stressed that<br />
thanks to its initiatives, the international actors appreciated Turkey and its<br />
greatness. The statements of the Turkish Foreign Minister could be<br />
22 Barçın Yinanç, ‘Hiçbirşeyi daha kötü bırakmadım’, Milliyet, 30 July 1994. (Translated from<br />
Turkish by the author)<br />
11
Birgül Demirtaş Coşkun<br />
regarded as a reaction to the claims that Turkey lost its former strategic<br />
importance. Therefore, Turkish attempts to provide solutions to the<br />
conflicts could be considered as a way of proving Turkey’s importance in<br />
the new era.<br />
In order to increase its support among both Turkish decision makers<br />
and the public, Bosniak leadership tried to emphasize their similarities with<br />
Turkey and the Turkish people. When Demirel wanted to visit S<strong>ara</strong>jevo in<br />
July 1994, for his stay Bosniaks prepared the house of an Ottoman Pasha,<br />
Topal Recep Pasha, who had served during the reign of Kanuni Sultan<br />
Süleyman. By that gesture, the common history between Turks and<br />
Bosniaks was emphasized and the Ottoman heritage in Bosnia was<br />
remembered. Furthermore, Bosniak leaders were trying to find similarities<br />
between their struggle and the Turkish War of Independence, thus<br />
attempting to get more support from Turkey. The Bosnian Ambassador to<br />
Turkey, Hayrettin Somun, pointed out that they would show the same<br />
heroism as the Turks had already shown in their War of Independence and<br />
win their independence by fighting.<br />
From the beginning of August 1995 onward the US intensified its<br />
efforts to find a solution to the Bosnian crisis. The Washington<br />
administration looked for Turkish support, especially in convincing the<br />
Bosnian side to agree to a peace deal. Since the US government was aware<br />
of the fact that Ank<strong>ara</strong> could exert its influence over the Bosnian leadership,<br />
it sought Turkey’s help in that regard. The National Security Advisor to the<br />
US President, Anthony Lake, visited Ank<strong>ara</strong> and informed the Turkish<br />
government about the new initiative of the US to find a solution to the<br />
Bosnian debacle.<br />
In September 1995 diplomatic traffic in Turkey concerning Bosnia was<br />
intensified by the visits of the US Vice Foreign Minister Richard Holbrooke,<br />
the Bosnian President Izetbegovic and Bosnian Foreign Minister<br />
Muhammet Sakirbey. In the trilateral talks in Ank<strong>ara</strong>, Holbrooke tried to<br />
make use of Turkish mediation to encourage the Bosnian side to be more<br />
flexible on the peace deal. Turkey repeated the importance of keeping<br />
Bosnia-‐Hercegovina’s territorial integrity, which was also accepted by<br />
Holbrooke. The US Vice Foreign Minister also stressed that any peace<br />
implementation would need Turkey’s participation and Turkey played a<br />
critical role in the Bosnian crisis. Lake’s and Holbrooke’s visits were an<br />
important sign of Washington’s acknowledgement of Turkey’s role in the<br />
Bosnian crisis. The US wanted to inform Turkey about a possible peace plan<br />
and also to use its influence over the Bosnian leadership.<br />
After a Serbian attack killed 37 people in a marketplace in S<strong>ara</strong>jevo,<br />
NATO launched its biggest military campaign against the Bosnian Serb<br />
forces, which was called Operation Deliberate Force. Although after the last<br />
attack of the Bosnian Serb militants Çiller repeated Turkey’s willingness to<br />
12
Turkish Foreign Policy toward the Bosnian War (1992-‐1995)<br />
send troops to Bosnia in case the international community would launch a<br />
joint operation, Turkish aircraft did not take part in the military campaign;<br />
however, they provided air cover for the planes conducting the bombing.<br />
Turkey was pleased that the Western world at last came to the conclusion<br />
that the war in Bosnia could not be stopped without a military intervention.<br />
That point was consistently repeated by Turkish decision makers since the<br />
inception of the war. Turkish leaders declared that they supported the<br />
decision to attack Serbian targets. Prime Minister Çiller stated that this was<br />
simply “a good beginning” and declared her hope that “…this will establish a<br />
good basis for discussing the international community’s peace plan and<br />
take it in hand.” In addition, Foreign Minister İnönü pointed out that the<br />
military campaign was “a step in the right direction by the international<br />
community in fulfilling its undertakings to protect the civilian<br />
population.” 23<br />
The NATO operation was successful on the Serbian side and forced the<br />
Serbians to come to the negotiating table. Serbian leader Milosevic, Bosnian<br />
leader Izetbegovic and Croat leader Tudjman, as leaders of three groups,<br />
started negotiations under the mediation of the US administration in<br />
Dayton, Ohio on 1 November 1995. After two weeks they reached an<br />
agreement on a peace deal stipulating maintenance of the territorial<br />
integrity of Bosnia that would consist of a Bosnian-‐Croat federation and a<br />
Bosnian Serb entity. Turkey did not play a direct role in the negotiations<br />
which were, in fact, brokered by the US. After the conclusion of the<br />
agreement, President Demirel congratulated all three leaders. Turkish<br />
officials stated that the Dayton Peace Agreement was not a perfect one;<br />
however, “under the prevailing circumstances this was the best that<br />
historical opportunity provided.” 24<br />
THE TURKISH PERCEPTION OF THE WAR AND STATE IDENTITY<br />
In the Turkish view, what was happening in Bosnia was a reflection of the<br />
Serbian leadership’s aim of creating ‘Greater Serbia’. Turkey was of the<br />
opinion that Serbia was also trying to take revenge for the conquest of the<br />
Ottomans of that region by killing Bosnian Muslims whom they also called<br />
“Turks”. In fact, the Serbian leadership seemed to hate Bosniaks since they<br />
regarded them as the extension of Ottoman history. The fact that Bosniaks<br />
were, in fact, keeping Turkish culture alive increased that image in view of<br />
the nationalist Serb groups. During the conflict Serbian and Croatian attacks<br />
also damaged some of the buildings and infrastructure that had been<br />
constructed during the Ottoman Empire. One of the best known examples<br />
23 Semih D. İdiz, ‘Bosnia crisis reaches endgame’, Turkish Probe, 1 September 1995, p. 4.<br />
24 Semih D. İdiz, ‘Ank<strong>ara</strong> welcomes peace accord for Bosnia’, Turkish Probe, 24 November<br />
1995, pp. 7-‐8.<br />
13
Birgül Demirtaş Coşkun<br />
was the destruction of the bridge in Mostar by the Bosnian Croat forces. In<br />
other words, for Turkey, the war also represented the erasing of the<br />
Ottoman culture in Europe. This was a war not only against Bosnian<br />
Muslims, but also against all Ottoman heritage. 25<br />
Turkish officials were also affected by the fact that Turkey was the only<br />
country that Bosniaks could ask for help. Turkey was the only source of<br />
help for them. Regardless of whether or not Turkey wanted it, they<br />
considered Turkey as their only would-‐be guardian that should provide<br />
protection for them. There was no other country to which they could turn.<br />
The Turkish Foreign Minister stated:<br />
During the Gulf War there were no people who waited for Turkey to<br />
come to their help and who saw Turkey as the only hope for their salvation.<br />
Events did not turn into a massacre. In Bosnia-‐Hercegovina people are<br />
sacrificing everything in order to migrate to Turkey. That was not the case<br />
in Iraq. In Bosnia-‐Hercegovina and Azerbaijan people had hope only from<br />
Turkey. They had millions of relatives in Turkey. They were doing their best<br />
to migrate to where those people were living. 26<br />
Turkish foreign policy during the Bosnian War could be called active<br />
and assertive, since Turkey launched many initiatives to get other countries<br />
and international organizations to act. Turkish attempts were concentrated<br />
on two sides: the Islamic world and the Western world. 27 Concerning<br />
Islamic countries, Turkey used the platform of the OIC by trying to bring all<br />
countries with Muslim populations to adopt the same attitude on the<br />
Bosnian conflict. The extraordinary summit of the OIC in İstanbul in June<br />
1992 was an important early initiative that led to the acceptance of a<br />
common point on the issue. The convening of the Balkan Conference and<br />
the diplomatic initiatives launched at the level of the CSCE, UN and NATO<br />
calling upon them to decide in favour of a military intervention were also<br />
significant activities of Turkey in its attempt to end the bloodshed. Turkey,<br />
in fact, was the only country that from the early phase of the war<br />
consistently insisted on the necessity of a military campaign against Serbian<br />
targets. Ank<strong>ara</strong> emphasized its opinion that only sanctions and diplomatic<br />
measures would not be enough to deter Serbs. The Turkish government<br />
also stated that it was ready to join an international intervention with its<br />
own troops. Some observers even compared the role of Turkey in the<br />
Bosnian crisis to that of the US during the Gulf conflict. In fact the use or<br />
threat of force was not a traditional instrument in Turkish foreign policy.<br />
25 For a detailed discussion of the impact of the Ottoman heritage on Turkey’s policy toward<br />
the Balkans please see Şaban H. Çalış, 2001. Hayaletbilimi ve Hayali Kimlikler, Neo-‐Osmanlılık,<br />
Özal ve Balkanlar. Konya: Çizgi.<br />
26 Nilüfer Yalçın, ‘Çetin: ‘Derhal uyacağız’ ’, Milliyet, 1 June 1992. (Translated from Turkish by<br />
the author)<br />
27 Hasan Ünal, ‘Bosnia II – a Turkish critique’, The World Today, Vol. 51 (1995), p. 128.<br />
14
Turkish Foreign Policy toward the Bosnian War (1992-‐1995)<br />
Turkey has always been cautious toward the use of force except in some<br />
rare circumstances. Therefore, Turkish foreign policy during the Bosnian<br />
problem could be regarded as the most active one since the Cyprus issue in<br />
1974. 28<br />
At the time of the Bosnian conflict, Turkish policy makers declared<br />
many times that Turkey was a great country that would follow a leading<br />
and dynamic foreign policy. Since Turkey’s position in the new<br />
international order of the post-‐Cold War era was discussed heavily at the<br />
time, Turkish leaders were insisting on the country’s important role in<br />
world politics. In their view, one should remind the world that Turkey was<br />
still influential and could not just be put aside. In the region extending from<br />
the Adriatic to the Wall of China, it was not possible to wage a war or bring<br />
peace without the support of Turkey. 29<br />
During the Bosnian conflict, thanks to its initiatives Turkey was taken<br />
into consideration. Almost all the actors involved in some kind of<br />
mediation asked for Turkey’s support. Owen-‐Stoltenberg’s visit to Ank<strong>ara</strong>,<br />
the invitation of Turkey to the London Conference, and later Richard<br />
Holbrooke’s contacts in Ank<strong>ara</strong> were important indications that so long as<br />
Turkey launched an active diplomacy, its role in international politics was<br />
appreciated. In other words, as Turkey’s role in regional affairs increased,<br />
Turkey’s position in international politics improved as well.<br />
Moreover, Turkey’s influence in the Balkans was perceived as an<br />
important proof of its claim of being European. Only if it had weight in the<br />
region, it could prove its importance to Europe. If its Bosnian policy failed, it<br />
would mean not just the destruction of an Ottoman heritage, but also the<br />
end of Turkey’s European dream.<br />
The Kurdish question did not appear to play any substantial role in<br />
Turkey’s Bosnian policy since Bosnia was an internationally recognized<br />
country and the violence against it was directed mainly from another state,<br />
Yugoslavia. Although Kurdish nationalism was on the rise in those years<br />
and PKK attacks constituted a major internal problem, Turkey presented<br />
inter-‐group relations in the country as a model to the Balkans. However, it<br />
was also emphasized that if a multi-‐cultural and democratic Bosnia was<br />
created, this would be an example for the solution of Turkey’s own<br />
problem. Meanwhile, some observers stated that it was easier in Turkey to<br />
go to Bosnia than to criticize Turkey’s Kurdish policy.<br />
In sum, arguing that it was a great country interested in its region,<br />
Ank<strong>ara</strong> tried to play a leadership role and assume guardianship of the<br />
Bosniaks. It launched many diplomatic initiatives, but it was careful not to<br />
act alone. It was emphasized by Turkish decision makers many times that<br />
28 Diplomats at the Turkish Foreign Ministry, Interview by author, Ank<strong>ara</strong>, January 2004.<br />
29 A previous Turkish foreign minister, Interview by author, Ank<strong>ara</strong>, 13 January 2004.<br />
15
Birgül Demirtaş Coşkun<br />
Turkey would act multilaterally and did not have any neo-‐Ottomanist<br />
dreams. Turkey considered that as long as it could assert its weight in the<br />
Balkan crisis, it would be taken into account by the US, European countries<br />
and international organizations.<br />
CONCLUSION<br />
This study analyzed Turkey’s foreign policy during Bosnian War between<br />
1992-‐1995. Turkish state identity has been discussed heavily in the wake of<br />
the end of the Cold War and alternative identities were proposed instead<br />
especially by Kurdish nationalists and Islamists. As the country’s strategic<br />
role that it acquired during the Cold War was increasingly questioned, there<br />
seemed to be ambiguity regarding the path that Turkish foreign policy<br />
makers would choose. The war in Bosnia started at the very time in which<br />
Turkey was experiencing an identity crisis.<br />
The findings of this study supports the hypothesis that constructivist<br />
approach helps us make sense of Turkey’s Bosnia policy. Turkey tried to<br />
prove that it could still play an important role in its neighborhood,<br />
especially in Europe in the new circumstamces of the post-‐bipolar world<br />
system. Turkey’s Bosnian policy constituted a hallmark because it<br />
represented the most active foreign policy attitude of Ank<strong>ara</strong> since the<br />
Cyprus intervention of 1974. Turkey found that as it acted rigorously and<br />
tried to convince international actors to act more assertively, it was<br />
increasingly taken into consideration by the great powers, like the US and<br />
EU. The fact that it started bearing the fruits of its active policy encouraged<br />
Turkey to maintain the intended course.<br />
During the Bosnian war Turkish policymakers stressed the continuing<br />
importance of Turkey for the stability of the neigboring regions. The wars<br />
of Yugoslav dissolution witnessed many narratives of Turkish leaders<br />
declaring the greatness of the country. This dominant narrative was<br />
accompanied by an active foreign policy implemented by the Turkish<br />
leaders ch<strong>ara</strong>cterized by Ank<strong>ara</strong>’s many diplomatic initiatives to bring the<br />
Bosnian issue to the attention of the international community and convince<br />
international actors to take more measures in order to stop the conflict.<br />
This study argued that this discourse and foreign policy were caused by<br />
Turkish leaders’ desire to show Turkey’s still lasting geopolitical signifance<br />
to the world. Related to that they also aimed to maintain the state identity<br />
that Turkey had acquired during the Cold War as part of the Western world.<br />
Turkish policy makers found that as long as they launched initiatives for the<br />
solution of the conflict, they were taken more seriously by the US and other<br />
international actors.<br />
16
Turkish Foreign Policy toward the Bosnian War (1992-‐1995)<br />
BIBLIOGRAPHY<br />
“Bosna’ya silah gönderdik”, Hürriyet, 4 December 1994.<br />
BANCHOFF Thomas, “German Identity and European Integration”,<br />
European Journal of International Relations, Vol. 5 (1999), p. 259-‐289.<br />
CAMPBELL David, Writing Security United States Foreign Policy and the<br />
Politics of Identity (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992), p.<br />
76.<br />
CHAFETZ Glenn, Michael Spirtas, and Benjamin Frankel, “Introduction:<br />
Tracing the Influence of Identity on Foreign Policy”, Security Studies,<br />
Vol. 8 (Winter 1998-‐1999, Spring 1999), p. VIII-‐XXII.<br />
CHECKEL Jeffrey. T., “The Constructivist Turn in International Relations<br />
Theory”, World Politics, Vol. 50 (1998), p. 324-‐348.<br />
CORNELL Erik, Turkey in the 21st Century, Opportunities, Challenges,<br />
Threats, Britain: Curzon, 2001.<br />
ÇAĞLAYAN Selin, “Ank<strong>ara</strong>’nın kâbusu: Balkan Savaşı…”, Hürriyet, 23<br />
November 1992.<br />
ÇALIŞ Şaban H., Hayaletbilimi ve Hayali Kimlikler, Neo-‐Osmanlılık, Özal ve<br />
Balkanlar, Konya: Çizgi, 2001.<br />
DAĞI İhsan D., “Transformation of Islamic Political Identity in Turkey:<br />
Rethinking the West and the Westernization”, Turkish Studies, Vol. 6<br />
(2005).<br />
FULLER Graham E. et. al., Turkey’s New Geopolitics from the Balkans to<br />
Western China (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993).<br />
İDIZ Semih D., “Ank<strong>ara</strong> welcomes peace accord for Bosnia”, Turkish Probe,<br />
24 November 1995, pp. 7-‐8.<br />
İDIZ Semih D., “Bosnia crisis reaches endgame”, Turkish Probe, 1 September<br />
1995.<br />
KARAOSMANOĞLU Ali L., “Avrupa Güvenlik ve Savunma Kimliği Açısından<br />
Türkiye-‐Avrupa Birliği İlişkileri”, Doğu Batı, IV/14 (2001), p.156-‐166.<br />
KOWERT Paul A., “National Identity: Inside and Out”, Security Studies, Vol. 8<br />
(Winter 1998-‐1999, Spring 1999), p. 1-‐34.<br />
KRAMER Heinz, A Changing Turkey, The Challenge to Europe and the United<br />
States, Washington, D. C.: Brookings, 2000.<br />
KUT Şule, “Yugoslavya Bunalımı ve Türkiye’nin Bosna-‐Hersek ve<br />
Makedonya Politikası: 1990-‐1993”, in Sönmezoğlu (ed.), Türk Dış<br />
Politikasının Analizi.<br />
LESSER Ian O., “Turkey’s Strategic Options”, The International Spectator,<br />
Vol. 34 (1999), p.79-‐88.<br />
LYNCH Marc, “Abandoning Iraq: Jordan’s Alliances and the Politics of State<br />
Identity”, Security Studies, Vol. 8 (Winter 1998-‐1999, Spring 1999), p.<br />
347-‐388.<br />
ÖZCAN Gencer, “Doksanlarda Türkiye’nin Ulusal Güvenlik ve Dış<br />
Politikasında Askeri Yapının Artan Etkisi”, in G. Özcan and Ş. Kut (eds.),<br />
17
Birgül Demirtaş Coşkun<br />
En Uzun On Yıl, Türkiye’nin Ulusal Güvenlik ve Dış Politika Gündeminde<br />
Doksanlı Yıllar, İstanbul: Büke, 2000, p.67-‐101.<br />
ROBINS Philip, Suits and Uniforms, Turkish Foreign Policy Since the Cold<br />
War, Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003.<br />
SÖNMEZOĞLU Faruk, “Dünya ve Türkiye”, in F. Sönmezoğlu (ed.), Türk Dış<br />
Politikasının Analizi (İstanbul: Der, 2004), p. 985-‐1006.<br />
UZGEL İlhan, “Doksanlarda Türkiye İçin Bir İşbirliği ve Rekabet Alanı<br />
Ol<strong>ara</strong>k Balkanlar”, in Gencer Özcan & Şule Kut, eds., En Uzun On Yıl<br />
(İstanbul: Boyut, 1998).<br />
ÜNAL Hasan, “Bosnia II – a Turkish critique”, The World Today, Vol. 51<br />
(1995)<br />
WENDT Alexander, Social Theory of International Politics, Cambridge:<br />
Cambridge University Press, 1999.<br />
YALÇIN Nilüfer, “Çetin: ‘Derhal uyacağız”, Milliyet, 1 June 1992.<br />
YİNANÇ Barçın, “Hiçbirşeyi daha kötü bırakmadım”, Milliyet, 30 July 1994.<br />
18
THE STRATEGIC RELEVANCE OF AGRI IN EUROPE’S<br />
SOUTHERN GAS CORRIDOR<br />
László Marácz *<br />
Özet<br />
Avrupa, enerji açısından neredeyse tamamen kıta dışındaki satıcıl<strong>ara</strong><br />
bağımlıdır. Son zamanlarda Avrupa Birliği (EU), çeşitli ülkelere enerji<br />
bağımlığını azaltmayı baş<strong>ara</strong>madı. Bu durum, Avrupa Birliğini dünya<br />
arenasında jeopolitik bir oyuncu ol<strong>ara</strong>k oldukça savunmasız bırakmıştır.<br />
Özellikle merkezî ve Doğu Avrupa ülkeleri doğalgazlarını Rusya'dan<br />
sağladıkları için neredeyse tamamen onl<strong>ara</strong> bağlımlıdır. <strong>Merkezi</strong> ve Avrupa<br />
kıtasındaki bazı ülkeler bu durumunu değiştirmeye çalışmaktadırlar.<br />
Azerbaycan, Gürcistan ve Romanya, 2010 Nisan ayında Rusya'yı atlay<strong>ara</strong>k<br />
Hazar Denizi yoluyla K<strong>ara</strong>deniz'den Avrupa'ya doğalgazı taşımak için<br />
anlaştılar. Bu yıliçinde Macaristan da AGRI adlı konsorsiyuma katıldı. Sonuç<br />
ol<strong>ara</strong>k, AB üye ülkeler, Rus kontrolündeki doğalgaz boru hatlarına daha az<br />
bağımlı olacak.<br />
Anahtar Kelimeler: Enerji çeşitliliği, AGRI, LNG, K<strong>ara</strong>deniz, Jeopolitik.<br />
Abstract<br />
Europe is almost completely dependent for her energy on outside suppliers. In<br />
recent years the European Union (EU) has not succeeded in reducing the<br />
energy dependencies by diversification, a keyword in European strategic<br />
papers (see, COM 2008 781 final). This makes the European Union as a<br />
geopolitical player in the world arena rather vulnerable. Especially the<br />
countries in Central and Eastern Europe are almost completely dependent for<br />
their gas supplies on Russia. Some countries in the Central and European space<br />
are trying to modify this state of affairs. Azerbaijan, Georgia and Romania have<br />
agreed upon in April of this year to transport gas from the Caspian Sea via the<br />
Black Sea to Europe bypassing Russia. Later this year Hungary also has joined<br />
this so-‐called AGRI consortium. As a result, EU-‐member states will be less<br />
dependent on the gas pipelines that are carrying Russian gas through states<br />
that are under Russian control.<br />
Keywords: Energy diversification, AGRI, LNG, Black Sea, geopolitics<br />
EU-‐RUSSIAN RELATIONS IN ENERGY POLITICS<br />
Russia is intrinsically involved in the EU debate on energy security.<br />
According to Richard Youngs, Russia ‘completely dominates (…) debates<br />
over European energy policy (see Youngs 2009, 79).’ Russia is the main<br />
* Assist. Prof. Dr., University of Amsterdam, Faculty of Humanities, European Studies,<br />
University of Amsterdam, l.k.m<strong>ara</strong>[email protected].<br />
K<strong>ara</strong>deniz Araştırmaları • Kış 2011 • Sayı 28 • 19-‐28
László Marácz<br />
actor engaged in the issue of supply. As one of the largest global suppliers of<br />
natural gas and oil, Russia can meet high European demands for energy.<br />
Due to its geographical proximity to the Union, the country’s energy giant,<br />
the state-‐owned company Gazprom is also an obvious partner for European<br />
state members’ energy providers. Russia on the other hand benefits from<br />
these European revenues. One fifth of its annual GDP income is derived<br />
from energy revenues (Godzimirski 2009). However, political unrest in the<br />
post-‐Soviet space can endanger reliable supply to Europe, as has happened<br />
several times in recent years. Having toppled the communist system only<br />
two decades ago, Russia remains an unstable partner in energy negotiations<br />
(Correlje and Van der linde 2006). In 1994 efforts to place Russia’s pipeline<br />
network under multilateral regulations failed when Russia refused to ratify<br />
the Energy Charter Treaty (Youngs 2009, 80). To prevent further upheavals<br />
and ensure energy security, the EU established a Common Economic Space<br />
(CES) with Russia at a summit in St. Petersburg in 2003. The long-‐term goal<br />
of the agreement is the formation of an open market between EU and<br />
Russia.<br />
Europe’s demand for gas is high, however, and Russia can meet this<br />
demand like no other actor on the market (Progress Report 2008). Europe<br />
will not be able therefore to exclude Russia from gas deals. Maintaining<br />
good relations with Russia is a prerogative. By creating a more formal<br />
cooperation basis with Russia, EU can, however, avoid becoming a victim of<br />
the sort of unpredictable reactions the Ukraine has had to put up with<br />
regularly. Signed contracts can ensure EU energy safety and reasonable<br />
prices for Russian gas. The Common Economic Space between EU and<br />
Russia provides a framework to establish legally binding documents on gas<br />
deals.<br />
Energy related issues form the “backbone’’ of CES (see Sutela 2005,<br />
14). Due to asymmetrical provisions in supply and demand between the<br />
Union and Russia several gas disputes have had to be solved during the last<br />
years (see Progess Report 2008). Russia has turned out to be a politically<br />
unreliable partner in gas supply. Following political rows with<br />
neighbouring states Russia has regularly turned off the gas tap thereby<br />
hindering transit to Europe. During the Russian war with Georgia in 2008,<br />
following price disputes with Ukraine in 2006 (Stern, 2006; Youngs 2009)<br />
and as a reaction to failed debt payments by Ukraine in 2008 (Pirani et al.<br />
2009), Russia demonstrated its power by causing severe gas shortages in<br />
Central and Eastern Europe following the pipeline cuts. As a consequence,<br />
EU and Russia agreed on an Early Warning Mechanism in 2009 to prevent<br />
further crises leaving EU countries at the mercy of Russian gas magnates<br />
(EU press release, 2009).<br />
European energy security is highly dependent on diplomatic relations<br />
with Russia and joint ventures between European and Russian energy<br />
20
The Strategic Relevance of AGRI in Europe’s Southern Gas Corridor<br />
companies. The foremost objective of Union’s energy policy is to secure<br />
supply. As a ‘net energy importer’ (COM 2008 781 final) Europe is exposed<br />
to energy supply shocks, price volatility and decreasing fossil fuel reserves.<br />
Indigenous energy production covers barely half of Europe’s need, with 56<br />
percent of European energy imported from third countries. In fact,<br />
domestic production even started declining in 2004 (COM 2008 781 final).<br />
If this trend is not reversed, fuel imports will rise even further in the future.<br />
Oil and gas, i.e. 60 and 26 percent in 2008 respectively, compromise the<br />
largest share (COM 2008 781 final). Russia provided 36 percent of oil<br />
imports in 2007 (Europe’s Energy Position, 2009, 21) and 42 percent of gas<br />
import in 2008 (COM 2008 781 final), rendering the EU highly dependent<br />
on Russian resources. Even if substantial increase in Russian energy<br />
supplies is achieved until 2020 twenty percent ‘energy imports [are] set to<br />
rise under almost all scenarios’ (COM 2008 781 final, 3).<br />
THE GREAT PIPELINE RACE<br />
The European Union has not succeeded in developing a common energy<br />
strategy, nor a strategy of energy diversification. There is a lot of talking<br />
about the EU’s sponsored Nabucco-‐pipeline that should carry gas from<br />
Central Asia and the Caspian Sea region via the Caucasus and Turkey to<br />
Europe thereby bypassing Russia and Ukraine but concrete steps to<br />
construct the pipeline have not been taken so far. It is extremely unlikely<br />
that the Nabucco project will be operative in 2015 as has been planned.<br />
Without a common energy policy and a succesfull strategy of energy<br />
diversification the EU will hardly become a major political player in the<br />
21th century.<br />
Europe is linked to the Russian gas fields by several large gas pipelines,<br />
like the North Stream. More gas pipeline routes, like South Stream will be<br />
planned in the near future and can be considered as a concurrent to the<br />
Nabucco pipeline in the southern gas corridor. These pipelines and projects<br />
are controlled or will be controlled by the Russians or will run through<br />
countries, like Belarus or Ukraine that are politically controlled by Russia.<br />
Also some richer countries in the Western part of Europe, like Germany<br />
have reached an agreement with Russia on the supply of gas. Russian gas<br />
will be carried by pipelines that run directly to Germany via the Baltic Sea,<br />
the so-‐called North Stream. North Stream is cooperation between the state-‐<br />
owned Russian company Gazprom, the German energy companies E.ON and<br />
BASF and the Dutch Gasunie. Poland is excluded from this pipeline and the<br />
Russian-‐German cooperation has been interpreted in Poland as a modern<br />
Molotov-‐Ribbentrop Pact referring to the Sovjet-‐Nazi pact preceding the<br />
Second World War that determined the tragic faith of Poland and the other<br />
Central and Eastern European countries during and after the Second World<br />
War.<br />
21
László Marácz<br />
In the past Russia has successfully played EU members off against the<br />
others. The EU treats energy policy as a foreign policy issue, an area<br />
member states like to protect from too much interference from Brussels<br />
(Youngs 2009). By signing bilateral agreements with major national energy<br />
providers such as German E.ON, Italian ENI and French EDF, Russian energy<br />
giant Gazprom has managed to become a direct stakeholder in the largest<br />
national gas markets in Europe (Leal-‐Arcas 2009). Other competeting non-‐<br />
EU gas suppliers to the EU, such as Algeria and Libya that are active on the<br />
Italian market, have been made business partners by the Russians in an<br />
attempt to monopolize gas supply into the EU. The Lisbon Treaty added a<br />
clausal on energy solidarity amongst the EU-‐members. The clausal has no<br />
legal binding, however and is not being obeyed (Progress Report, 2008).<br />
Companies like E.ON, ENI and EDF are therefore helping Russia along in<br />
gaining a gas monopoly.<br />
Hence, Russia has used its monopoly position as a real geopolitical<br />
weapon that can be employed for ‘divide and rule’ tactics. Austria, Hungary<br />
and Serbia could not resist the temptation and were willing to accept the<br />
offer of Gazprom to buy shares in their local energy companies, i.e. Austrian<br />
OMV, Hungarian MOL and Sebian NIS to bind them to the South Stream<br />
project. Russian energy company Surgutneftegas has acquired 21.2 percent<br />
stake in Hungarian oil and gas company MOL, although MOLs constitution<br />
allows only for a foreign stake of 10 percent. This deal violating Hungarian<br />
law was concluded by the pro-‐Russian, oligarchic government of Prime<br />
Minister Ferenc Gyurcsany who was lobbying for the position of<br />
‘commissioner of the South Stream project’ and made Hungary completely<br />
dependent on Russian interest. Recently the new Hungarian centre-‐right<br />
government under Viktor Orbán declared by his spokesman Tamás Fellegi,<br />
Hungary’s National Development Minister that the state wants to increase<br />
its leverage in the energy sector and does not welcome foreign stakeholders<br />
in strategic national companies (See Politics.HU). It will be not easy to get<br />
rid of the Russian stake in the MOL company, however. Gazprom was able<br />
to buy the Serbian state energy company NIS for almost nothing and also<br />
acquired the control of pipelines on Serbian territory giving the Serbs the<br />
gu<strong>ara</strong>ntee that South Stream will be running over Serbian territory. In the<br />
end South Stream will reach Silvio Berlusconi’s Italy who is a frequent guest<br />
in the Kremlin and a strong supporter of Russian exclusive energy interest<br />
in Europe (see Lucas 2008).<br />
In order to break the exclusive dependency on Russia gas that is not<br />
only the gas itself but also the routes carrying the gas to the Union the EU<br />
has launched several projects to diversify the routes. The best-‐known<br />
pipeline project in the southern gas corridor is the already mentioned<br />
Nabucco that will carry gas over the territory of Turkey. But several other<br />
smaller projects, such as the Trans-‐Adriatic Pipeline (TAP), the Turkey-‐<br />
22
The Strategic Relevance of AGRI in Europe’s Southern Gas Corridor<br />
Greece-‐Italy Interconnector (ITGI) or the Azerbaijan-‐Georgia-‐Romania<br />
Interconnector (AGRI) all have the potential to be an important element of<br />
the southern gas corridor and even call into question the future of Nabucco<br />
itself. In any case, all these pipelines will draw gas from the same gas fields,<br />
i.e. Sah-‐Deniz 1-‐2 in the Caspian Sea region.<br />
European pipeline project Nabucco has been undercut several times by<br />
the Russians. Under Ference Gyurcsány’s pro-‐Russian government in 2007<br />
Hungary signed a bilateral deal with Gazprom to receive gas via the Russian<br />
pipeline Blue Stream (Youngs 2009). Due to this deal Hungary temporary<br />
withdraw from EUs Nabucco pipeline project triggering criticism from<br />
Brussels (see Aczél 2010). In 2010 Russia signed deals with Azerbaijan,<br />
securing gas supplies to stream to Russia instead of through the delayed<br />
Nabucco pipeline (Socor 2010).<br />
Furthermore, Russian pipeline project South Stream will form a direct<br />
rival supply route to Nabucco as it also carries gas to Southern Europe<br />
(Finon 2010). With French EDF and Italian ENI financing the rival, it is hard<br />
to take Europe seriously in its attempts at solidarity. South Stream will<br />
bypassing Romania and cuts through Bulgaria playing off Romania and<br />
Bulgaria against the other. This is one of the main reasons Romania has<br />
been initiating AGRI bypassing Russia in order to gu<strong>ara</strong>ntee itself a place<br />
within the South Stream project.<br />
RUSSIAN GAS MONOPOLY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE<br />
As mentioned above Russia has an important share in the energy supply of<br />
the European Union. Especially the countries in Central and Eastern Europe<br />
are almost completely dependent upon Russian gas. Slovakia is depending<br />
for 99 percent, the Czech Republic for 78 percent, Hungary for 80 percent,<br />
Poland for 67 percent and the Baltic countries, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania<br />
for 100 percent on Russian gas. The only exception in Central and Eastern<br />
Europe is Romania that satisfies 85 percent of her gas demands from<br />
internal resources. Furthermore, in these countries the connecting<br />
pipelines to Russia run over Ukrainian territory, i.e. in the case of Slovakia,<br />
Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Greece, Austria, Hungary, Slovenia and Romania<br />
and Russia or Russian controlled countries like Belarus in the case of the<br />
Baltic countries (compare Marácz 2009, 17).<br />
The Russians are very well aware of this and have used the energy<br />
weapon against those who are critical about present day Russia. The small<br />
Baltic countries can be blackmailed by threatening to cut off energy<br />
supplies from Russia. In recent winters Russia was not ready to deliver gas<br />
to Ukraine of president Viktor Yushchenko who was conducting a pro-‐<br />
Western policy. After the election in February 2010 of this year that was<br />
won by the pro-‐Russian politician Viktor Yanukovych Ukraine does not<br />
23
László Marácz<br />
have to be afraid that they will be cut off from Russian energy supplies. The<br />
government of Yanukovych will support Russian politics led by Putin and<br />
Medvedev in exchange for lower energy, especially gas prices that will keep<br />
the Yanukovych government longer in power.<br />
Gazprom, Russia’s state-‐owned sole exporter of Russian gas has not<br />
only succeeded in attaining large shares of European energy firms it also<br />
holds long-‐term supply contracts with European distributors (Dreyer<br />
2010). In the cases of Slovakia and Bulgaria, where one distributor<br />
dominates the entire market for gas (Stern 2005) consumers are 100<br />
percent dependent on Russian supplies. The Baltic states are also highly<br />
dependent on Russian gas with Gazprom holding a 37 percent stake in Eesti<br />
Gaas (Stern 2005, 127), Estonia’s gas monopoly. These European bilateral<br />
ventures with Russian state-‐owned gas company Gazprom undermine EU<br />
attempts to speak with one voice and to take up seriously the issue of<br />
energy diversification. As some EU-‐members rely on only one supplier, i.e.<br />
the Baltic states on Russia securing supplies entails lowering dependency<br />
on these suppliers by diversifying the sources. The Union’s strategy seems<br />
to construct ‘reliable framework conditions’ to realize this diversification<br />
(COM 2008 781 final, 5). Priority infrastructure projects aimed at<br />
interlinking European energy markets and subsequently decreasing their<br />
dependence on third countries is listed under this point. Projects include<br />
the ‘Baltic Interconnection Plan’ which entails key infrastructures necessary<br />
for effective interconnection of the Baltic region with the rest of the EU and<br />
the ‘southern gas corridor’ interconnections to link gas supply from Caspian<br />
and Middle eastern sources and Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) develop LNG<br />
action plan on liquefaction and storage facilities. One of these latter projects<br />
is AGRI.<br />
THE STRATEGIC RELEVANCE OF AGRI<br />
As we have discussed above especially the countries between Germany and<br />
Russia in the Central and Eastern European zone are worried about their<br />
energy supplies that is strongly connected to their security and safety. To<br />
retake the initiative three presidents, the President of Azerbaijan Ilham<br />
Aliyev, the President of Georgia Mikheil Saakashvili and the Romanian<br />
President Trajan Basescu met in Azerbaijan’s capital Baku on 14 September<br />
of this year and signed the Baku decl<strong>ara</strong>tion in which the three heads of<br />
state decided to construct a gas pipeline that will connect the three<br />
countries. The construction of the pipeline labeled AGRI which is the<br />
abbreviation of ‘Azerbaijan-‐Georgia-‐Romania-‐Interconnection’ will connect<br />
these countries via the Black Sea. The Georgian president Saakashvili who<br />
is clearly on the side of the West and would like his country to join NATO<br />
has played a crucial role in setting up AGRI. With the help of the AGRI<br />
24
The Strategic Relevance of AGRI in Europe’s Southern Gas Corridor<br />
project Saakashvili himself is using energy as a geopolitical weapon against<br />
Russia trying to embarrass the Russians at their own playing field.<br />
AGRI will draw gas from the Caspian Sea that will be carried via a<br />
pipeline across land to Georgia for liquefaction. This process of liquefaction<br />
will take place in a plant for LNG exports at the Azerbaijan-‐owned oil export<br />
terminal of Kulevi in Georgia. Kulevi is by the way at “spitting distance”<br />
from the breakaway autonomous territory Abkhazia. Abkhazia is a<br />
marionette state of Russia and is providing Russia a stronger geopolitical<br />
position in the southern part of the Caucasus to put pressure on the AGRI<br />
project. Commentators are afraid that this will make the AGRI project<br />
vulnerable indeed. Further transport of LNG will take place via tankers<br />
from the Georgian port of Poti to the Romanian Black Sea port of Constanta.<br />
In Constanta a terminal will be constructed for the re-‐gasification of the<br />
LNG. The gas will be pumped through Romanian’s pipeline system to<br />
Hungary and to the rest of the Balkans and the European Union.<br />
The Romanian President Traian Basescu has declared that the project<br />
will be set in motion by all means but that he is hoping for financial support<br />
from Brussels. An advantageous moment for this is the coming year 2011<br />
because in the first half year Hungary will chair the Union and afterwards<br />
Poland. The latter country is strongly supporting the Eastern Partnership to<br />
establish all sorts of ties in the post-‐Soviet space having Georgia and<br />
Azerbaijan among its members. Basescu is counting on support from<br />
Hungary where recent elections in April 2010 have been won with a<br />
landslide by the pro-‐Western, centre-‐right coalition led by Viktor Orbán.<br />
This coalition took the government position of the Hungarian socialist party<br />
MSZP, an ardent supporter of Gazprom policy. On September 20 Hungary<br />
even announced it would become a shareholder in AGRI project. Now the<br />
following state energy companies, i.e. Romanian Romgaz, Georgian Oil and<br />
Gas Corporation (GOGC), the State Oil Company of Azerbaijan Republic and<br />
the Hungarian Magyar Villamos Müvek Zrt. each holds a 25 percent stake in<br />
the project. Interestingly the Hungarian government had to leave out the<br />
MOL company because a Russian company has a stake in MOL, otherwise<br />
the Russians would have entered the AGRI project through the backdoor.<br />
AGRI will carry eight billion cubic metres gas a year (bcm/year) to<br />
Europe. Compared to the planned 38 bcm/year of Nabucco this is a rather<br />
modest figure. AGRIs capacity will be about five times less than Nabucco’s.<br />
The figure is indeed rather modest when we take into account the yearly<br />
LNG-‐import of a country like France that is about twice as much as the 8<br />
bcm/year that is planned by AGRI. The project financing will require a<br />
relatively modest amount of money of 4-‐6 billion euro. These figures can be<br />
lifted quite easily as demands will increase, however. In speeding up the<br />
distribution possibilities of AGRI to Central Europe and the Balkans the<br />
interconnecting pipeline between Hungary and Romania has already been<br />
25
László Marácz<br />
constructed. On October 14 of this year the gas pipeline linking the<br />
Romanian city of Arad and the Hungarian city of Szeged making the<br />
distribution of AGRI gas to Central Europe possible has been opened. It is<br />
also one of the first gas pipelines running ‘north-‐south’ in the Central and<br />
Eastern European area. The opening was attended by European<br />
commissioner for energy, Günther Oettinger who announced that pipelines<br />
running ‘north-‐south’ on the territory of the Union, like the Arad-‐Szeged<br />
pipe line and their connections to the north will be sponsored by the<br />
European Commission. North-‐south pipelines play an important role in the<br />
energy security of the Union.<br />
EU-‐projects in the southern energy corridor are strengthened by a<br />
decision of the European Commission to establish a Danube Region in order<br />
to interconnect a geopolitical territorial unit, a European macro-‐region<br />
through which the Danube river is flowing consisting of Germany, Austria,<br />
the Slovak Republic, Hungary, Croatia, Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria, the<br />
Republic of Moldova and Ukraine – six of which are EU Member States, and<br />
in a broader territorial context the region also comprises the Czech<br />
Republic, Slovenia, Bosnia Herzegovina and Montenegro. Concerning<br />
Germany and Ukraine only the regions have been invited that are crossed<br />
by the Danube, like the German federal states Baden-‐Württenberg and<br />
Bavaria. By doing so it is prevented that Germany with its enormous<br />
economic power would dominate the Danube strategy (European<br />
Jalalitdin Mirzaev
АРХЕОЛОГИЧЕСКИЕ ПАМЯТНИКИ КАК ОБЪЕКТ ТУРИЗМА: МУЗЕЙ И МЕСТНОЕ СООБЩЕСТВО
ARCHAEOLOGICAL MONUMENTS AS TOURISM OBJECT: MUSEUM AND LOCAL COMMUNITY _______________81
Ekaterina Boldireva
ВИЗАНТИЙСКИЙ ИМПОРТ НА САМОСДЕЛЬСКОМ ГОРОДИЩЕ
BYZANTINE IMPORT IN SAMOSDELKA SETTLEMENT _________________________________________________85
Ela Taş
BELT BUCKLES DATED TO THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
On Dokuzuncu Yüzyıl Kemer tokaları ______________________________________________________89
Elena Koveshnikova
АРХЕОЛОГИЧЕСКИЙ ТУРИЗМ В КУЗБАССЕ
ARCHAEOLOGICAL TOURISM IN THE KUZBASS______________________________________________________94
Elena Popravko
РОЛЬ МУЗЕЕВ В ИЗУЧЕНИИ И ПОПУЛЯРИЗАЦИИ АРХЕОЛОГИЧЕСКОГО НАСЛЕДИЯ
ДАЛЬНЕГО ВОСТОКА РОССИИ
THE ROLE OF MUSEUMS IN THE RESEARCH AND POPULARIZATION
OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE OF THE RUSSIAN FAR EAST ____________________________________99
Emma Zilivinskaya
ВЛИЯНИЕ МАЛОЙ АЗИИ И ЗАКАВКАЗЬЯ НА МОНУМЕНТАЛЬНУЮ АРХИТЕКТУРУ ЗОЛОТОЙ ОРДЫ
EFFECTS OF ASIA MINOR AND TRANSCAUCASIA ON MONUMENTAL ARCHITECTURE OF GOLDEN HORDE ____ 105
Fariz Khalilli
AĞSU TƏCRÜBƏSİ – MİRAS İCTİMAİ BİRLİYİNİN ARXEOLOJİ QAZINTILAR NƏTİCƏSİNDƏ
AŞKARA ÇIXARILAN MƏDƏNİ İRS NÜMUNƏLƏRİNİN KONSERVASİYASI, MÜHAFİZƏSİ
VƏ TƏBLİĞİ SAHƏSİNDƏ FƏALİYYƏTİ
AGSU PRACTICE – ACTIVITY OF MIRAS ORGANIZATION IN CONSERVATION, PROTECTION
AND PROMOTION OF CULTURAL HERITAGE SAMPLES DISPLAYED BY ARCHAEOLOGICAL
EXCAVATIONS ____________________________________________________________________________________113
Hidayat Jafarov
“PALIDLI” NEKROPOLUNDA ARXEOLOJİ TƏDQİQATLARIN İLKİN NƏTİCƏLƏRİ
Fırst results of archaeologıcal research ın the necropolıs “Palıdly” ________________129
Irina Aksenova
THE PROBLEM OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN TRADITIONS OF HOME ARTS AND SONGS
FOLKLORE AT SETTLERS OF STEPPE ALTAI (ON MATERIALS OF ETHNOGRAPHIC EXPEDITIONS
2000-2012 ON TERRITORY OF SHIPUNOVO DISTRICT)
ПРОБЛЕМА ВЗАИМОСВЯЗИ ТРАДИЦИЙ ДОМАШНИХ РЕМЕСЕЛ И ПЕСЕННОГО ФОЛЬКЛОРА
ПОТОМКОВ ПЕРЕСЕЛЕНЦЕВ СТЕПНОГО АЛТАЯ (ПО МАТЕРИАЛАМ ЭТНОГРАФИЧЕСКИХ
ЭКСПЕДИЦИЙ 2000–2012 ГОДОВ НА ЕРРИТОРИЮ ШИПУНОВСКОГО РАЙОНА)________________________134
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International Congress of Eurasian Archaeology AGSU-AZERBAIJAN
Irina Gusach
NEW FINDS FROM THE EXCAVATIONS OF THE TURKISH FORTRESS AZAK
Новые находки из раскопок турецкой крепости Азак ___________________________________140
Kamil Ibrahimov
İÇƏRİŞƏHƏRDƏ ARXEOPARKIN AÇILMASI TURİZM İLİNƏ TÖHFƏDİR
ICHERISHEHER ARCHAEO-PARK AS CONTRIBUTION TO TOURISM YEAR ______________________________153
Gafar Jabiyev
AZƏRBAYCANDA ŞƏHƏR MƏDƏNİYYƏTİNİN ARXEOLOJİ CƏHƏTDƏN ÖYRƏNİLMƏSİ
TARİXİNƏ DAİR (QƏBƏLƏ MATERİALLARI ƏSASINDA)
HISTORY OF STUDY OF URBAN CIVILIZATION IN AZERBAIJAN FROM ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASPECT
(BASED ON QEBELE MATERIALS) __________________________________________________________________160
Ganira Pirguliyeva
О НЕКОТОРЫХ НУМИЗМАТИЧЕСКИХ ТЕРМИНАХ ПЕРЕХОДЯЩИХ ИЗ ТЮРКСКОГО В РУССКИЙ ЯЗЫК
SOME NUMISMATIC TERMS TRANSFERRED FROM THE TURKIC LANGUAGE TO RUSSIAN __________________172
Lyudmila Sokolova
АНТРОПОМОРФНЫЕ СТЕЛЫ ЧЕМУРЧЕКА И ХАККАРИ – СТИЛИСТЧЕСКИЙ АНАЛИЗ
ANTHROPOMORPHIC STELE OF CHEMURCHEK AND HAKKARI - STYLISTIC ANALYSIS _________________175
Mehmet Rıhtım
AZƏRBAYCAN TƏSƏVVÜF TARİXİNDƏ SUFİ MEMARLIQ ABİDƏLƏRİ:
XANƏGAH, TƏKKƏ VƏ SUFİ TÜRBƏLƏRİ
SUFI ARCHITECTURAL MONUMENTS IN SUFISM HISTORY OF AZERBAIJAN:
KHANEGAH, LODGE AND SUFI TOMBS______________________________________________________________185
Nazila Abdullazada
AZƏRBAYCAN XALQININ ETNİK-MƏDƏNİ TARİXİ VƏ MİFOLOGİYA: MİFİK TƏFƏKKÜRÜN QAYNAQLARI
ETHNIC AND CULTURAL HISTORY OF THE AZERBAIJAN PEOPLE AND MYTHOLOGY: SOURCES
OF THE MYTHICAL THINKING _________________________________________________________________________196
Nazmin Jafarova
ПРОГРАММЫ ДЕТСКИХ МУЗЕЕВ МИРА ПО ПРОПАГАНДЕ ИСТОРИКО-КУЛЬТУРНОГО НАСЛЕДИЯ
THE PROGRAMS OF CHILDREN MUSEUMS AROUND THE WORLD TO PROMOTE THE HISTORICAL
AND CULTURAL HERITAGE _______________________________________________________________________199
Raksana Hasanova
Основные рекомендации по хранению, консервации и реставрации
музейных экспонатов
THE MAIN RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE PRESERVATION, CONSERVATION AND RESTORATION
OF MUSEUM EXHIBITS ____________________________________________________________________________210
Semih Guneri
Doyumlu (Kars) Kaya Resimleri
Rock Images In Doyumlu (Kars) _____________________________________________________________214
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International Congress of Eurasian Archaeology AGSU-AZERBAIJAN
Shebnem Mastalili
ƏSKİ TÜRK MİFOLOGİYASINDA İNANCLAR VƏ KULTLAR
BELIEFS AND CULTS IN ANCIENT TURKIC MYTHOLOGY_____________________________________________224
Shikar Gasimov
LAÇININ QƏDİM YAŞAYIŞ MƏSKƏNLƏRİ VƏ TARİXİ ABİDƏLƏRİ
ANCIENT SETTLEMENTS AND HISTORICAL MONUMENTS OF LACHIN ________________________________227
Yuliy Khudyakov
ИСПОЛЬЗОВАНИЕ ПРЕДМЕТНЫХ РЕКОНСТРУКЦИЙ В ИЗУЧЕНИИ И РАСПРОСТРАНЕНИИ
НАУЧНЫХ ЗНАНИЙ О ВОЕННОМ ДЕЛЕ СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЫХ НОМАДОВ ЦЕНТРАЛЬНОЙ АЗИИ
USE OF OBJECT RECONSTRUCTION IN STUDY AND DISSEMINATION OF SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE
OF MILITARY AFFAIRS OF MEDIEVAL NOMADS IN CENTRAL ASIA ____________________________________232
POSTERLƏR - POSTERS
Elmira Abbasova
ORTA ƏSRLƏRDƏ AZƏRBAYCANDA SÜFRƏ MƏDƏNİYYƏTİ (AĞSU MATERIALLARI ƏSASINDA)
CULTURE OF TABLE-SET IN AZERBAIJAN IN MIDDLE AGES (BASED ON AGSU MATERIALS)_____________244
Habiba Aliyeva
Orta əsr Ağsu şəhərinin epiqrafik abidələri
Epıgraphıc monuments of medıeval Aghsu town __________________________________________247
Ilhama Hamdullayeva
TARİX VƏ MEMARLIQ ABİDƏLƏRİ KEÇMİŞİN NİŞANƏSİDİR
HISTORICAL AND ARCHITECTURAL MONUMENTS ARE SIGN OF PAST ________________________________254
Natig Gubadoglu
XƏLƏC COĞRAFİ ADININ MƏNŞƏYİNƏ DAİR
Orıgın of Geographıcal Name Khalaj ______________________________________________________256
Nazim Velishov
Yuxarı Qarabağ iqtisadi rayonunun bəzi etnooykonimlərinin mənşəyi,
əmələgəlmə xüsusiyyətləri
ORIGIN, PECULIARITIES OF SOME ETHNO-OIKONYMS OF UPPER KARABAKH _________________________260
Nargiz Aliyeva
ŞEYX ƏBU TAHİR ƏS-SİLƏFİ VƏ AZƏRBAYCAN
Sheıkh Abu Tahır as-Sılafı and Azerbaıjan_________________________________________________263
Shahismayil Ismayilov
XVII ƏSRDƏ SƏFƏVİLƏR DÖVLƏTİNDƏ SƏNƏTKARLIQ
Craftsmanshıp ın 17th Century Safavyds State ___________________________________________267
Shola BAYRAMOVA
Local archaeology vıa exploratıons of MIRAS Socıal Organızatıon
MİRAS İctimai Birliyinin yerli arxeologiyada rolu_______________________________________270
5
Beynəlxalq Avrasiya Arxeologiyası Konfransı
InternationalSALAMLAMA NİTQLƏRİ 1-5 OCTOBER-2012
Congress of Eurasian Archaeology AGSU-AZERBAIJAN
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Beynəlxalq Avrasiya Arxeologiyası Konfransı 1-5 OCTOBER-2012
International Congress of Eurasian Archaeology AGSU-AZERBAIJAN
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Beynəlxalq Avrasiya Arxeologiyası Konfransı 1-5 OCTOBER-2012
International Congress of Eurasian Archaeology AGSU-AZERBAIJAN
artıqdır qazıntılar gedir, 2010-cu ildən başlanılıb. kollektivi adından hər birinizə xoş gəlmisiniz
Və bu 3 ildə çox böyük miqyasda işlər görülüb. deyim. Rusiya Federasiyasından, qardaş
Burda yüzlərlə maddi-mədəniyyət nümunələri Türkiyədən, uzaq İtaliyadan, Özbəkistan və
tapılıb, onlar sistemləşdirilərək sərgilər keçirilib. Gürcüstandan gəlmiş həmkarlarımızı burada
Ağsu tarixinə aid 3 kitab nəşr olunub. İnternet görmək çox xoşdur. Onları ürəkdən salamlayırıq.
saytları açılıb. Biz burada iki il bundan qa- Qonaqlarımız arasında xarici ölkələrin diploma-
baq olmuşduq və hazırda bir abidənin muzey tik korpusunun nümayəndələri vardır. Onları da
tikilişini görürük. Amma bu gün burada böyük salamlayıram. Mən Azərbaycan Respublikası
konservasiya işləri aparılıb. Buna görə də Mədəniyyət və Turizm Nazirinin birinci müa-
sözsüz ki, Ənvər müəllimin başçılığı ilə Ağsu vini, çox hörmətli Vaqif Əliyevi, çox hörmətli
rayonu icra hakimiyyətinin bütün kollektivinə, Millət vəkili Ərəstun Cavadovu və digər rəsmi
bütün iş adamlarına minnətdarıq. Məlumat qonaqlarımızı ürəkdən salamlayıram və biz hər
üçün bildirirəm ki, Arxeologiya və Etnoqrafiya birimiz çox yaxşı bilirik ki, Vaqif müəllimin,
İnstitutu Ağsu ekspedisiyasına vəsait ayırmır. Ərəstun müəllimin təmsil etdikləri strukturlar
Bu tədqiqatlar hamısı iş adamlarının təşəbbüsu Azərbaycanda tarixi-mədəni irsin qorunması,
ilə olunur. Bir də sizə bildirmək istəyirəm ki, bi- tədqiqi və təbliği istiqamətində nə dərəcədə
zim institutda və indi burada da xarici ölkələrdən faydalı işlər görürlər. Burada hörmətli Maisə
alimlərimiz arxeoloji ekpedisiyalarımızla birgə xanım başda olmaqla, Azərbaycan elminin çox
tədqiqatlar aparır. Biz ABŞ, Fransa, Almani- hörmətli nümayəndələri iştirak edir. Onları
ya, Yaponiya, Gürcüstan, Cənubi Koreya və ürəkdən salamlamaq istəyirəm. Mən Ağsu
Türkiyədən gələn alimlərlə birgə tədqiqat işləri rayon rəhbərliyini başda Ənvər müəllim ol-
aparırıq. Bu da Azərbaycan arxeologiyasının maqla ürəkdən salamlayıram. Ağsu arxe-
dunya miqyasına çıxması üçün şərait yaradır. oloji ekspedisiyası rəhbərliyi adından bu-
AMEA Arxeologiya və Etnoqrafiya İnstitutunun rada aparılan konservasiya və bərpa işlərində
işlərindən çox danışmaq olar. Lakin mən hər zaman yanımızda olan insanlara ürəkdən
fikirləşirəm ki, biz daha çox prespektivləri və minnətdarlığımı bildirmək istəyirəm. Mən
planları danışsaq yaxşı olar. bugünkü tədbirdə iştirak edən və hər zaman bi-
Əziz Ağsulular, əziz qonaqlar bu günkü zim işlərimizi təbliğ edən media nümayəndələrini
konfrans böyük əhəmiyyət kəsb edir. Çunki bu salamlayıram və onlara da “xoş gəlmisiniz”
konfransda alimlərimiz bir-biri ilə öz fikirlərini deyirəm.
bölüşəcəklər, sonra biz burda dinlənilən
məruzələrdən, çıxışlardan bəhrələnəcəyik. Ona Hörmətli qonaqlar! Əziz həmkarlar!
görə bu konfrans böyük əhəmiyyət kəsb edir. Razılıq hissi ilə deməliyəm ki, Azərbaycanda
Mən bu konfransın işində uğurlar arzulayıram tarixi-mədəni irsin qorunmasına, tədqiqi və
və hamınıza, burada iştirak edənlərə diqqətə təbliği işinə hərtərəfli dövlət qayğısı mövcud-
görə təşəkkür edirəm. Fürsətdən istifadə dur. Möhtərəm Cənab Prezidentimiz İlham
edib bir daha Ağsu rayon rəhbərliyinin bütün Əliyev artıq neçə illərdir ki, büdcədə nəzərdə
kollektivinə, Ənvər müəllim başda olmaqla icra tutulmuş vəsaitdən əlavə olaraq arxeoloji
hakimiyyətinin kollektivinə öz təşəkkürümü abidələrin tədqiqi üçün prezidentin ehtiyat fon-
bildirirəm. Çox sağ olun. dundan milyonlarla manat vəsait ayırır. Heydər
Əliyev Fondunun prezidenti YUNESKO-nun
xoşməramlı səfiri, millət vəkili Mehriban xanım
Qafar Cəbiyev Əliyevanın şəxsi diqqət və qayğısı sayəsində
Azərbaycanda tarixi-mədəni irsin tədqiqi və
Ağsu arxeoloji ekspedisiyasının rəisi təbliği sahəsində həqiqətən çox böyük miqyaslı
işlər görülməkdədir. Bütün bunların nəticəsidir
Hörmətli xanımlar və cənablar! Əziz qonaqlar! ki, Azərbaycanda arxeoloji tədqiqatların miqyası
İcazə verin Ağsu arxeoloji ekspedisiyasının ilbəil artmaqdadır. Hazırda Azərbaycan Milli
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Beynəlxalq Avrasiya Arxeologiyası Konfransı 1-5 OCTOBER-2012
International Congress of Eurasian Archaeology AGSU-AZERBAIJAN
Elmlər Akademiyası Arxeologiya və Etno- kanalzasiya şəbəkəsi ilə bağlı qurğular, digər
qrafiya İnstitutunun Respublikanın müxtəlif yardımçı binalar aşkara çıxarıldı. Və nəhayət,
rayonlarında 40-dan artıq ekspedisiyası işləyir sonuncu olaraq şəhərin və hətta xanlığın ən
ki, həmin ekspedisiyalar da elmimizə, tariximizə boyük ərzaq anbarı olan buzxana aşkar elədik ki,
çox sanballı töhfələr bəxş edib. Mən qısa olaraq həmin anbarın uzunluğu 30, eni 8 m-dir. Bu, yer
Ağsu arxeoloji ekspedisiyası və orta əsr Ağsu səthindən təxminən 8 metr dərinlikdə tikilmiş
abidəsi haqqında məlumat vermək istəyirəm. möhtəşəm bir tikilidir. Orada tədqiqatlar davam
Ağsu abidəsi, yəni hazırda ərazisində olduğumuz etdirilərkən Holland dukatlarından ibarət dəfinə
şəhər 1735-ci ildə Nadir şahın əmri ilə salınmış aşkar elədik. Dəfinədə 37 ədəd qızıl pul var idi.
bir müsəlman şəhəridir. Şəhərin ərazisi 40 ha-dır. Qızıl sikkələrin ilkin kəsilən nümunəsi 1781-ci
Burada intensiv şəhər həyatı 1735-ci ildən 1806- ilə, sonuncu nümunələri isə 1800-cü ilə aiddir.
cı ilə qədər mövcud olub. Şəhər faktiki olaraq 70 Qızıl dukatlardan ibarət dəfinədən bir neçə gün
il ərzində Şirvanın rəsmi paytaxtı olub. Burada sonra həmin ərazidə Azərbaycan xanlıqlarının
ilkin olaraq 1983-cü ildə kəşfiyyat xarakterli pulları olan gümüş sikkələrdən ibarət daha bir
işlər aparılıb, 2010-cu ildən etibarən isə MİRAS dəfinə və digər qiymətli tapıntılar aşkar çıxarıldı.
İctimai Birliyinin təşəbbüsü və maliyyə dəstəyi ilə Bütün bunlar onu deməyə imkan verir ki,
AMEA Arxeologiya və Etnoqrafiya İnstitutunun Ağsu XVIII əsrdə Azərbaycanın çox böyük
ekspedisiyası fəaliyyət göstərməkdədir. Hazırda sənətkarlıq və ticarət mərkəzlərindən biri olub.
gördüyünüz bu üstü örtülmüş ərazilər içərisində Ağsunun Azərbaycanın digər şəhərləri ilə,
ilkin olaraq 3-cü sahə adlandırdığımız sahə tədqiq habelə Avropa və Asiyanın ticarət və mədəniyyət
olunub. Bu ərazidə ilk dəfə olaraq sənətkarlıq mərkəzləri ilə sıx əlaqələləri mövcud olubdur.
emalatxanaları, yəni, misgərlik emalatxanası, Ağsu arxeoloji ekspedisiyası maliyyə
dəmirçi emalatxanası, sümük işləmə ilə məşğul baxımından sırf yerli insanların, iş adamlarının və
olan ustanın emalatxanası, tikiş sexi və boyaq xeyriyyəçi insanların vəsaitləri hesabına burada
emalatxanasının qalıqları aşkar olunub. Burada iş görür. Bu nümunə onu göstərir ki, Azərbaycan
şəhərin çörək və bişinti məmulatları istehsalı və dövlətinin imkanları hesabına görülən geniş
satışı ilə məşğul olan mərkəzini aşkar etmişik ki, miqyaslı işlərlə yanaşı, ayrı-ayrı imkanlı insan-
onlardan da hər biri daha çox məhz bazar üçün lar, xeyriyyəçi insanlar da artıq tarixi-mədəni
məhsul istehsal edirdi. Tək bir təndirin ətrafında, irsə üz tutublar və ona qayğı nümayiş etdirirlər.
daşların altında 120 ədəd sikkə tapmışıq. Başqa
sözlə, çörəkçi çörəyi satdıqdan sonra pulları Əziz dostlar!
oradakı, daşların altına yığıb və qəflətən baş Dünya sürətlə qloballaşır. Qloballaşmanın
verən hadisə nəticəsində o şəhəri tərk edib, şübhəsiz qazanc gətirdiyi, həm də itkilərə
pullar isə orada qalıb. Tədqiq etdiyimiz digər məruz qoyduğu, ziddiyyətli məqamları var.
sahədə ilkin məqsəd qala divarlarını öyrənmək Qloballaşma o zaman bizim üçün daha çox
idi. Biz isə daha da irəli gedərək şəhərin su xeyirli olacaq ki, hər birimiz tarixi-mədəni ir-
təchizatı və kanalizasiya şəbəkəsi ilə bağlı çox simizi qoruyaq, onu öyrənək, onu tədqiq edək.
maralı tapıntlar aşkar etdik. Daha sonra şəhərin Bu mədəni irs xalqları, burada iştirak edən ölkə
hamam kompleksi aşkara çıxarıldı. Sonra çox xalqlarının nümayəndələrini bir-birinə daha
dəbdəbəli şəkildə bəzədilmiş otaq-ev aşkar olun- çox yaxınlaşdırır, qovuşdurur, əbədi, əzəli, in-
du ki, onun divarları yapma bəzəklərlə bəzədilmş, sani və bəşəri dəyərlərə xidmət etməyə səsləyir.
qarşısında çarhovuz, geniş olmayan meydan Mən sizin vaxtınızı çox almaq istəmirəm. Sonda
və s. aşkar olunmuşdur. Daha sonra 5-ci sahə hamınıza minnətdarlığımı bildirmək istəyirəm.
adlandırdığımız aşağıdakı ərazidə tədqiqatlara Ümid edirəm ki, XXI əsrdən XVIII əsr abu-
başladıq. Orada 56 sütundan ibarət Cümə havasına düşərək, bu ab-havanı hiss etmək
məscidininin qalıqları aşkara çıxardıq. Cümə imkanınız olacaq.Bunun üçün mən sizi tədqiq
məscidinin ətrafında geniş bir ərazidə yaşayış olunmuş obyektlərə baxış keçirməyə dəvət
kompleksi, yəni, evlər, həyətlər, su təchizatı və edirəm. Diqqətinizə görə çox sağ olun!
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insanlar günün istisində, günün altında işləyiblər Ben 1-2 söz de söylemek istiyorum. Avrasya
və yorulmayıblar, hələ də əzmkarlıqla işlərinə da- dediğimiz coğrafya nereden bakarsak Baltik den-
vam edirlər. Burada insanlar təmannasız kömək izinden Büyük okyanusa uzanan bir coğrafya.
edirlər, mən fikirləşirəm ki doğurdan da onlar bu Burada türk dilli halklar, slavik halklar, çinliler
torpağın suyunu, çörəyini yeyiblər. Mən sizin bulunmaktadır ve özellikle bağımsız olduktan
hamınıza, xüsusən də arxeologiya sahəsində sonrakı dönemlerde ülkeler geleceklerini bul-
çalışanların hər birinə öz dərin minnətdarlığımı, mak için kendi geçmişlerine yöneliyorlar. Ve
təşəkkürümü bildirirəm. Zəhməti olan hər kəsə, tabii arkeoloji kazılara, kültürün ve medeniyetin
ona münasibəti olan hər kəsə öz təşəkkürümü köklerine ulaşıyorlar. Gördüğümüz kadarıyla
bildirmək istəyirəm və inanıram ki, burada bugün Aksu şehri bir kültür ve medeniyet şehri.
aparılan arxeoloji qazıntılar Ağsunun adını Bir yerden başlamak gerekir, tarihi keşf etmek
beynəlxalq aləmdə yüksəklərə qaldıracaq. gerekir, derinlere inmek ve geleceğini, insanların
Hamınıza uğurlar arzulayıram. geleceğini yeniden kurmak gerekir. Bu anlamda
bu dünya nüfusunun nerdeyse 75/100 nüfu-
Bayram Bayraktar sunu barındıran bu coğrafyanın zengin kültür
kaynaklarını keşf etmek adına burada toplanan
İzmir Dokuz Eylül Universitesi Bölüm Başkanı 4. kongrenin, bunu düzenleyenleri, katılanları,
bunun için organizasyon yapanları ve gelecek-
Saygıdeğer konuklar, 4. Avrasiya Uluslararası te de devam etdirmek adına kültür adamlarını
Sempozyumunun bu toplantısında hepinizi saygı başarılı sempozyumlar için, başarılı bildiriler
ile selamlıyorum. Bana gençler 3 dakikalık bir için, sunumlar için katkılarından dolayı hepsini
süre vermişler, aslında ben konuşmayı çok sev- kutluyorum. Saygılar sunuyorum, teşekkürler.
en birisiyim. Özellikle Azerbaycanda olduğunu
hissedince azerbaycanlılar da, Azerbaycanlı Ernesto Borrelli
kardeşlerimiz de konuşmayı severler. Bilim,
kültür-medeniyet olunca da gerçekten çok şeyi Ali Restavrasiya Mərkəzi, İtaliya
söylemek gerekir. Az önce çocukları, balaları
dinledim. Azerbaycanın bugününü ve geleceğini Xanımlar və cənablar!
gördüm. Şöyle bir söz var “el mi yaman, bey mi Hörmətli qonaqlar!
yaman, illaki el yaman” deye. Bu yamanı iyi an- Burada olmağımdan və bu möhtəşəm
lamda, akıllı ve zeki anlamda değerlendirmek tədbir- IV Beynəlxalq Avrasiya Arxeologiyası
gerekiyor. O nedenledir ki, El-in 3 anlamı var, Konfransında iştirak etməkdən böyük
halk mı güçlü, memleketi, ülkeyi yönetenleri məmnunluq duyuram. İlk növbədə Azərbaycan
mi güçlü, illaki el yaman-halk güçlü, yani halk Respublikası Mədəniyyət və Turizm Nazirliyinə
evlatlarına sahib çıkarsa, kültürleşme seviyesini və MİRAS İctimai Birliyinə məni bu konfransa
yükseltirse mutlaka medeniyeti de yükselmiş dəvət etdiklərinə görə minnətdarlıq edirəm. Bu
olacaktır. Bir hal, eskiden bir söz söylemek is- mənim sizin arxeologiya, tarix elminiz və mil-
terim, eskiden bir örnek verirsek, annelerimiz, li ənənələrinizi öyrənmək və yaxından bələd
babalarımız sütü saklarken sütün ömrü 1-2 olmağım baxımından çox gözəl şansdır. Bu,
gün davam edermiş, sonra zamanla yoğurt eyni zamanda sizlərlə təcrübə və biliklərimi
bulunmuş, sonra peynir bulunmuş, sütün ömrü bölüşmək üçün uğurlu imkandır. Artıq
1 aya, 2 aya, 3 aya “büyümüş”. Kültürümüzü məlumatınız vardır ki, 2014-cü ildə YOCO-
de evrensel kültür metodolojileri ile, üniver- CU- Mədəni İrsin Konservasiyasında Gənclər
sitelerimizle, yetişdirdiğiniz çocuklarla yeniden konfransı Azərbaycanda keçiriləcək. Birinci
yorumladığımızda sadece Azerbaycan kültürünü konfrans İtaliyada keçirilmişdi və 2014-cü ildə
yükseltmiş olmayacağız, aynı zamanda bölge bu konfransın sizin ölkənizdə təşkil olunması
kültürünü yükseltmiş olacağız. Aynı zamanda sizinlə əməkdaşlığımızın möhkəmləndirilməsi
Avrasyanın da kültürünü yükseltmiş olacağız. üçün yeni bir addım olacaqdır. Yenidən sizinlə
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Avrasiya Arxeologiyası Konfransının (ICEA) müəllim, Maisə xanım, Ənvər müəllim, Ərəstun
Azərbaycanda, Ağsuda keçirilməsi əlamətdar müəllim olmaqla bütün buraya gəlmiş qonaqlara,
hadisədir. Türkiyə Cümhuriyyətinin Dəmirçi Türk-İslam Əsərləri Muzeyinin direktoru
şəhərində (Manisa ilinin mərkəzidir), hansı Siraceddin Şahinə, İstanbul Arxeologiya Muzey-
ki, Ağsu kimi kiçik bir şəhər idi, keçirilən inin direktoru Zeynep Kızıltana, Konya Mövla-
III Beynəlxalq Avrasiya Arxeologiyası na Muzeyinin direktor müavini Naci Bakırcıya
Konfransında onun 4-cüsünün Ağsuda təşkil və Ernesto Borrelliyə təşəkürümüzü bildiririk.
olunması qərara alınmışdır. Mən başda Semih Bu cür elm xadimlərinin burada olmasına və
Güneri olmaqla, ICEA-nın bütün üzvlərinə onların hamısına dəstəklərinə görə öz dərin
bu işə dəstək verdiklərinə görə minnətdarlıq minnətdarlığımı bildirirəm. Xüsusi təşəkkürüm
edirəm. MİRAS İctimai Birliyi olaraq, artıq say- burada əziyyəti olan, bu məsələnin ortaya
ca 4-cü beynəlxalq konfransın tərəfdaşıyıq. Türk çıxması üçün bizə həm maddi, həm mənəvi
dünyası, Avrasiya regionu, Avropa şərq əlaqələri, dəstək vermiş diqqətcil və alicənab Mikayıl
mədəniyyətlərarası dialoq tədqiqatları müasir müəllimədir. Eyni zamanda xüsusi təşəkkürüm
Azərbaycan elminin prioritet sahələrindəndir. Prezidentimizədir ki, onun regionların sosial-
Azərbaycan Respublikasının Prezidenti Cənab iqtisadi inkişafı haqqında sərəncamı və mədəni
İlham Əliyevin və birinci xanım Mehriban irsimizə olan diqqəti çox təqdirəlayiqdir. Bir
Əliyevanın bu sahədəki təşəbbüslərini, ictimai daha təşəkkürlər!
fəallığın artmasını, elm adamları, xüsusilə, gənc
elm adamları olaraq dəstəkləyirik. Burada Cənab
Ernesto Borrelli çıxış etdi. YOCOCU-Mədəni
İrsin Konservasiyasında Gənclər konfransının
Azərbaycanda keçirilməsi, yəni sonuncu kon-
frans, onların da 3-cüsü Belçikanın Antver-
pen şəhərində olmuşdu, onun da 4-cüsünün
Azərbaycanda keçirilməsi qərara alınıb. Ora-
da da Mədəniyyət və Turizm Nazirliyinin
nümayəndəsi iştirak edirdi. Ernesto Borrelli
həmin konfransın təşkilatçılarındandır. Qərara
alınmışdı ki, o, Azərbaycanda keçirilsin. Bu
məsələdə Azərbaycan Respublikası Mədəniyyət
və Turizm Nazirliyinin dəstəyini hiss edirik.
2014-cü ilin may ayında onun da Azərbaycanda
keçirilməsi baş tutacaqdır, xüsusən orada kon-
servasiya ilə məşğul olan gənc alimlər çıxış
edir. Mən bildirim ki, bu yaxınlarda Milanda
digər bir konfransın tərəfdaşı idik. Milan Po-
litexnik Universitetindən sevindirici xəbər aldıq.
Çox maraqlıdır ki, Universitetin 2 magistrantı
orta əsr Ağsu şəhəri haqqında dissertasiya işi
yazır. Yəni bir arxeoloji abidə haqqında, onun
qorunması, konservasiyası haqqında, söhbət
onun reallaşdırılmasından getməsə də, onun
haqqında elmi əsərlərin ortaya qoyulması hes-
ab edirəm ki, Azərbaycan Respublikasının,
onun elmi ictimaiyyətinin uğurudur və buna
çox sevinirik. Biz dəstək verdiyinə görə bü-
tün buradakı insanların hamısına, başda Vaqif
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düğümleri fırça gibi kullanarak düşünce heyecan, dönemde ortaya çıkan Tebriz halı ekolünün, sadece
sevinç, hüzün vb. gibi duygularını estetize ederek Azerbaycan halıcılığını değil, tüm yakın Doğu halı
yansıttığı, bazı mesajlar aktardığı bu halılar Anadolu ve sanatını etkilediği şüphesizdir12. XVI.-XVII. yüzyıllar,
çevresi Türk halı sanatının çeşitli dönemlerde Konya Azerbaycan tekstil sanatının “altın devri”dir13.
ve dışında yapılmış çok sayıda örneği bulunduğunu El dokumaları tarihi ve kültürü, sosyal bilimcilerce
ortaya koymaktadır6. yeterli düzeyde araştırılmış değildir. Özellikle konu,
Halı ustalarının isimlerini gösteren arşiv kayıtlarında araştırmacılar ya da halk bilimciler tarafından genelde
da XV. yüzyıldan itibaren halıcılığı çok ileri düzeyde desen özellikleri bakımından veya bir şehir-bölge esas
olduğu ve çok sayıda usta çalıştırıldığı bilinmektedir7. alınarak değerlendirilmiştir. Karşılaştırma tekniği
Azerbaycan’da dokumacılığın tarihi ise Neolitik kullanılarak, kültür tarihi bakımından yeterince ele
çağa kadar uzanır. Nahçıvan bölgesindeki Kültepe alınmamıştır. Bu alanda yapılan çalışmalar genellikle
kazılarını sürdüren ekibin başkanı O. Habibullayev’in yörede ya da müzede dokumaların teknik, desen,
düşüncesine göre, artık Neolitik Çağda Azerbaycan’da vb. yönlerden incelenmesi temeline dayalı alan
kaba yün kumaşların dokunduğu dokuma tezgâhları çalışmalarıdır. Osmanlı dönemi halı kilim ve kumaşları
mevcuttur (M.Ö. 5.- 4. bin)8. Taberi, Arap istilacılarının bu bakış açısıyla genellikle eser üzerinde yapılan
Azerbaycan’a saldırısını tasvir ederken, ülkenin incelemelere dayalı çalışmalardan ibarettir14. Aynı
kuzey-doğusunda (Şirvan-Derbent) çok yüksek kaliteli Oğuz boyundan gelen Azerbaycan’ın dokumalarıyla
halılar dokunduğunu da belirtmiştir. Diğer Arap alakalı olarak da Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi’nde bir
tarihçisi Mukaddesi (10. yy), Berde şehrini anlatırken, kısım evrak vardır.
burada dokunan halıların eşsiz olduğunu yazmıştır. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi’nde yer alan belgelerin
“Hüdud el-Âlem” adlı eserde (10. yy), Azerbaycan’ın tamamı Osmanlı Türkçesi ile yazılmıştır. Çalışmanın
şehirlerinin coğrafi tasviri ile, aynı zamanda burada bildiri ile sınırlı olmasından dolayı sınırlı sayıda evrak
gelişmiş sanatlar hakkında da bilgi verilmiştir. Burada, konu olarak seçilmiş ve belgelerin kısa özetleri ilgili
Nahcıvan’ın zili ve halılarından, Muğan’ın çul ve fon ve numaraları ile birlikte verilmiştir.
palazlarından, Vezne’nin zili tekniğinde dokunmuş 1. Meclis-i Vükelâ Fonu, 200 Dosya, 105 Gömlek
seccadelerinden, Erdebil’in, Gebele ve Samkur’un Numaralı, 1915 Tarihli Belge
(Semkir) rengârenk elbiselerinden, ganovuz ve yünlü Kafkasya’dan Dersaadet’e getirilmiş ve Deutsche
kumaşlarından övgü ile söz edilmiştir9. Bank’a merhun sekiz adet ince Şirvan Halısı’nın
XII. yüzyıl, Azerbaycan tarihinde “altın yüzyıl” transit olarak nakline müsaade edilmesi…
sayılmıştır. Bunun nedeni, bu yüzyılda Azerbaycan
ilminde, felsefesinde, müzik ve edebiyatında, 2. Bâb-ı Âlî Evrak Odası Fonu, 4402 Dosya, 330135
sanatında meydana gelen büyük gelişmedir. Bu Gömlek Numaralı, 1915 Tarihli Belge
dönemde de Azerbaycan’da yüksek kaliteli halılar Kafkasya’dan Harb-i Umumi’nin ilanından önce
dokunmuş, özellikle “çiği palazı”, ipek ipliklerle Dersaadet’e getirilip antrepoya konulan halı ve
dokunmuş ve kıymetli taslarla süslenmiş zililer büyük seccadelerden Deutsche Orientbank’a merhun olup
ün kazanmıştır10. Osmanlı tebasından birine satılan yetmiş sekiz
Halı ve düz dokuma yaygıların kompozisyonlarında aded Şirvan halısının transit suretle nakline izin
XV. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında, büyük gelişme verilmediğinden bahisle bunların imrarına ruhsat
görülür11. Azerbaycan tarihinde XVI. yüzyıl, ilk defa itasının mezkur banka direktörlüğünden istida
Kuzey ve Güney Azerbaycan topraklarını kapsayan, olunduğu ve bu konudaki Meclis-i Vükela kararı…
bir Azerbaycan devleti olan Safevi Devletinin
kurulması, Azerbaycan Türkçesinin devlet dili olması, 3. Dahiliye Emniyet-i Umumiye Müdüriyeti 5.
kültür, ilim ve sanatın gelişmesine büyük önem Şube Fonu, 49 Dosya, 14 Gömlek Numaralı, 1917
verilmesi, Azerbaycan tarihinde çok önemlidir. Bu Tarihli Belge
Zenginliği”, İlgi Dergisi, Sayı:52, İstanbul, 1988. Deutsche Orient Bank’da tellallık yapan Safterbey
6 BARIŞTA, H. Örcün, “Halı Sanatının Bazı Azeri, Türkmen, Kırgız Koryanof’un Osmanlı hükümeti taraftarı olup Rusya
ve Kazak Örnekleriyle Benzerliklerine Dair”, 3. International Symposium
Azerbaijan Carpet And Traditional Applied Arts, Ministry of Culture of the aleyhtarı bulunduğu ve umumi harbden önce halı satın
Repuıblic of Azarbaijan, Baku-Elm-2005, s.102. almak üzere gittiği Şirvan’dan Dersaadet’e döndüğü…
7 ÇETİNTÜRK, Bilge, “İstanbul’da VXI. Asır Sonuna Kadar Hassa Halı
Sanatkârları, Türk Sanatı Tarihi Araştırma ve İncelemeleri, İstanbul, 1963, s. 12 ALİEVA, Kübra, Tebrizskaya Kovrovaya Skola XVI-XVII. yüzyıl, Baku,
721-730. 1998, s. 110-130.
8 ABİBULLAEV, Osman, Eneolit i Bronza na Territorii Nahiçevanskoy 13 GÜNGÖR, Tuncay, a.g.e.
ASSR, Baku, 1982, s. 223. 14 AYTAÇ, Ahmet, “Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi’nde Konya El Dokuma-
9 KERİMOV, Latif, Azerbaydjanskiy Kovyor, t. 2, Baku, 1983, s. 17. cılığı İle Alakalı Belgelere Dair”, S. Ü. Selçuklu Arş. Mrk. II. Uluslararası
10 ALİEVA, Kübra, Bezvorsovıye Kovrı Azerbaydjana, Baku, 1988, s. 8. Türk El Dokumacılığı (Tekstil) Kongresi Bildirileri, (Editör: Ahmet Aytaç),
11 GÜNGÖR, Tuncay, a.g.e. Konya, 14-15 Mayıs 2009, s. 41-50.
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4. Dahiliye Şifre Fonu, 70 Dosya, 75 Gömlek Dokumacılığı İle Alakalı Belgelere Dair”, S.Ü.
Numaralı, 1916 Tarihli Belge Selçuklu Arş. Mrk. II. Uluslararası Türk El
İstanbul’a gelecek olan Azerbaycan tüccarlarından Dokumacılığı (Tekstil) Kongresi Bildirileri, Konya,
Halıcı Musib Efendi’ye yolda yolda kolaylık 14-15 Mayıs 2009, s. 41-50.
gösterilmesine dair, Emniyet-i Umumiye
Müdüriyeti’nden Halep Vilayeti ile Zor BARIŞTA, H.Örcün. 2005
Mutasarrıflığı’na çekilen telgraf… “Halı Sanatının Bazı Azeri, Türkmen, Kırgız ve Kazak
Örnekleriyle Benzerliklerine Dair”, 3. International
5. Maliyeden Müdevver Defterleri, 3693 Gömlek Symposium Azerbaijan Carpet And Traditional
Numaralı Belge Applied Arts, Ministry of Culture of the Republic of
Dergâh-ı Ali çavuşlarından Mustafa Çavuş ve Azerbaijan, Baku - Elm, s.102.
Bezazistan-ı atik kethüdası tarafından Şirvan
vilayetinden getirilen ham ipliğin kaliçeciyan, ÇETİNTÜRK, Bilge, 1963
dülbendciyan, tefteciyan cemaatları arasında tevziini “İstanbul’da VXI. Asır Sonuna Kadar Hassa Halı
ve bu tevziatın muhasebesi icmalini muhtevi muhasebe Sanatkârları, Türk Sanatı Tarihi Araştırma ve
icmal defteri… İncelemeleri, İstanbul, s. 721-730.
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Fotoğraf: 1, Azerbaycan seccade halısı, XVI. yüzyıl, Fotoğraf: 2, XX. yüzyıl öncesi Bakü “Gadim minare”
Textile Galerisi, Londra. GÜNGÖR, Tuncay, “Azerbaycan halısı (Azerbaycan Halça Müzesi).
Dokuma Sanatında Minyatürün Yeri”, (Atatürk Üniversitesi Ahmet AYTAÇ arşivi.
Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Yayınlanmamış Yüksek Lisans
Tezi), Erzurum, 2007.
Fotoğraf: 3-4.
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Fotoğraf: 5.
Fotoğraf: 6.
Fotoğraf: 7.
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ATIN EVCİLLEŞTİRİLME
KRİTERLERİNDEN BİRİ OLARAK YULAF
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itibaren de Yakındoğu’da özellikle de Mısır’da 12. cüğünden türemiş olmasıdır. Şimdilik kaydıyla bütün
Hanedan dönemine ait arkeobotanik veriler içinde bunlara rastlantı denilse bile arkeolojik olarak koşum
yulafa rastlanılmakla birlikte bunların yabani olduğu takımlarıyla betimlenmiş en eski at betimlemelerinden
ifade edilmektedir. Bir diğer deyişle yabanisi bilin- birinin Anadolu’da MÖ II.binyılın ilk çeyreğine ait bir
mekte ancak evcilleştirilmesi daha sonra olmuş gibi riton üzerinde bulunmuş olması da bir diğer sürprizdir.
gözükmektedir. Orta Avrupa’da yapılan kazılar bu- Konya Ovası’nda yapılan yüzey araştırmaları sırasın-
ralarda MÖ I.binyıldan itibaren evcilleştirilmiş yu- da Çomaklı (Yanagelmez) Höyük üzerinde bulunan ve
lafın yetiştirildiğinin kanıtlarını taşımakta. Yulaf’ın araştırmacılar tarafından MÖ II.binyılın ilk çeyreği-
Yakındoğu’da özellikle de Orta Tunç Çağı Anado- ne yani günümüzden yaklaşık 3750-4000 yıl önceye
lu’sunda bilindiğinin kanıtı ise Hitit metinlerinde tarihlenen riton parçası üzerinde koşum takımlarıyla
geçen KAR-aŝ sözcüğünün bazı Hititologlarca yulaf birlikte betimlenmiş bir at başı göze çarpmaktadır.
ya da çavdar anlamına geldiği yolundaki yorumdur. At başı şeklindeki bu riton üzerinde esas ilgi çekici
Romalılarca da yetiştirilen yulaf daha çok yem bit- nokta koşum takımlarının da betimlenmesidir. Yani
kisi olarak önem kazanmıştır. Yulaf, özellikle atçılık burada evcilleştirilmiş bir atın betimlemesi karşımıza
alanında belirli oranlarda yeme karıştırılarak kullanıl- çıkmaktadır. Aynı şekilde, Avrasya’da evcil atın MÖ
makta. Yulafın atların yemine katılmasının temel ne- birinci binin ancak ilk çeyreğinden itibaren Erken
deni kabuğunda %0,2 oranında yer alan vanilin türü Göçebe dönemiyle birlikte görülüyor olması; bunun
bir glikozitin atlarda uyuşturucu etki yapması olabilir. yanı sıra Afanasyev (geç III.binyıl), Okunyev (MÖ
Yulafın atlar üzerinde bu türden bir etki yapması ve II.binyıl), Andronovo ve Karasuk (MÖ geç II.binyıl)
bunun bir halk bilgisi olarak çok eski çağlardan beri kültürlerinde, koşum takımlarıyla tasvir edilmiş, ara-
Anadolu’da biliniyor oluşu akla başka bir soruyu baya koşulan ya da binilen atla ilgili herhangi bir arke-
da getirmekte. Bu soru atın evcilleştirilmesi ile ilgi- olojik belgenin bulunmaması bu olguyu destekleyici
li. Acaba günümüzden yaklaşık üç veya dört bin yıl kanıtlar olarak kabul edilebilir. Bu durumda başından
önce, atla ilgili ilk evcilleştirme denemeleri yapılırken beri bir tesadüf olarak düşünülebilecek at-yulaf ilişkisi
ki bu yaklaşık olarak yulafın da arkeobotanik veriler için evcilleştirme bağlamında kuvvetli bir kanıta sahip
doğrultusunda tanınmaya başladığını gösteren tarihtir, olunduğu belirtilebilir. Kısacası atın evcilleştirildi-
işte bu dönemde atın evcilleştirilmesinde insanoğlu ği düşünülen tarih ile yulafın dilsel veriler açısından
yulafı da kullanmış olabilir mi? Bu sorunun yanıtı bu tanımlanabiliyor olabileceği düşünülen tarihler yakla-
günkü bilgiler ışığında bilinemez, ancak belki ileride şık olarak aynı döneme ve coğrafyaya denk düşmekte
yapılacak kazılar ve arkeometrik araştırmalar konuyu ve bu da başından beri ileri sürülen evcilleştirme de
açıklamaya yardımcı olabilir. yulafın etkisinin olabileceği savını doğrular gibi gö-
Antik yazarlardan Plinius, Galenos ve Bizanslı yazar zükmektedir. Ancak yine de eldeki kanıtların bu konu
Simeon Seth yulaf üzerine yazdıklarında hep aynı açısından çok yeterli olmadığının da altını çizmek ge-
noktaya vurgu yapmışlardır. Bu nokta da yulafın insan rek. Bir de yanlış anlaşılmaya engel olmak için hemen
için çok yararlı olmayıp, genellikle hayvan beslenmesi eklemeliyim ki atın evcilleştirmesi yulafla olmuştur
için kullanılması gerektiğidir. Bununla birlikte bugün savını ileri sürmemekteyim. Zira bu evcilleştirmede
daha çok çorbalarda ve bebek mamalarında kıvam çok değişik bileşenlerin geçerli olabileceği gözden ka-
artıcı olarak kullanılan yulaf, tarih boyunca yukarıda çırılmamalı. Yani tekrar belirtecek olursam yulaf doğ-
anlatıldığı gibi farklı uygulamalar için de kullanılmış rudan doğruya atın evcilleştirilmesinde birincil öneme
olabilir. Yulafın bu türden kullanımlarının yanı sıra sahip olmamakla birlikte evcilleştirmede rol oynayan
19.yy’a kadar Kuzey Avrupa ve İskoçya’da lapa ola- birçok bileşenin sadece biri olabilir.
rak tüketildiği de bilinmekte. Şimdi gelelim şu yulafın Sonuç olarak her ne kadar arkeobotanik veriler yula-
adının kökenine. Sözcük Arapça ‘alaf’tan gelmekte. fın MÖ. I.binyılda Orta Avrupa’da evcilleştirildiğini
Alaf ise daha eski bir Semitik dil olan ve günümüzden gösterse de dilbilimsel veriler Yakındoğu halklarının
yaklaşık 3-4 bin yıl önce Mezopotamya’da konuşulan yulafı çok daha önceden tanımakta olduğunu göster-
Akkadçada bitki ya da kendiliğinden filizlenen bitkiler mekte. Hatta bir adım daha atarak halen Orta ve Gü-
için kullanılan ‘elepu’ sözcüğünden türemekte. Dikkat neydoğu Anadolu’da devam etmekte olan kazılarda
edilirse yulaf sözcüğünün kökeni yine aynı dönemlere ortaya çıkarılabilecek yeni arkeobotanik verilerin ev-
yani at ile yulafın bilindiği tarihlere denk düşmekte. cilleştirme konusunun yeniden gözden geçirilmesinin
Bu konuda ilgi çekici bir diğer dilsel bağlantı ise Os- gerekliliğine neden olacağını da belirtmek olasıdır. Bu
manlı Yeniçerilerin üç aylık maaşına verilen ad olan çıkarsamaya atın evcilleştirilmesiyle ilgili parametre-
ve esas olarak atlara yedirilecek yulafın parası an- lerin içinde yulafın da olabileceği önerisi de eklenirse,
lamına gelen ulufe sözcüğünün yine Arapça alaf söz- bu durumda yulafın belki de Orta Avrupa’dan önce
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Alexey O. Pronin
Novosibirsk State University, Novosibirsk, Russia
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2006). All the curcumstances of its discovering in the (Huang Pujiang, 2007, 131 - 133).
burial have been also published there. The exact burial L. A. Bobrov and U. S. Khudjakov have suggested
mound No. 3 was dated to the late Middle Ages or Qin or Southern-Mongolian origin of this broad-
Early New Age. This burial is situated at Shushensky sword (Бобров, Худяков, 2008: 264). But they have
district of Krasnoyarsk region. also mentioned that their suggestion had been based
At first sight, the unique characteristics of the burial only on some visual similarity of its pommel, guard
accordingly to the common historical picture of the and blade shape with some known pictorial images of
mentioned region of that period forced first researchers Mongolian blades of that period. They also have fixed
to suggest the Manchurian origin of the broadsword. that Qin cyclopedia “Huangchao Liji Tu Shu” in which
The Tibetan origin of this item first was marked as all Manchurian arms of XVII – ½ XVIII century had
probably not real (Скобелев, 2006). been described, no such broadsword description had
Later, considering the strong differences of this broad- been included. They have marked only a slightly visu-
sword from known examples of late medieval broad- al similiarity (Ibid., 293, figure 92/5,7,8,12).
swords from Southern Siberia and Central Asia, as Most closed broadswords and blades according to
well as new information about peculiarities of late visual analysis have been used by Tibetan foot and
medieval Tibetan and Xingjian blade arms (Пронин, mounted warriors. Russian and European researchers
Москвитин, 2010; Бобров, Пронин, 2011; Пронин, and travellers periodically described straight single-
Худяков, 2011), author of this article has made ad- edged blades of “Tibetan swords” (Рерих, 1999: 264;
ditional research of construction of this unique item. Уоддель, 1906: 130). For example, G. Tsibikov pub-
This research allowed us to make correct conclusions lished photos of Tibetan warrior with armor and arms as
about the broadswords possible origin. Results of this well as separate photos of helmet, armor, broadswords
research and conclusions are presented in this article. and scabbard (Цыбиков, 1919: 210-213). British and
Russian expeditions to Tibet in the end of XIX - begin-
At first time, this finding has been described as Man- ning of XX century provide us with detailed descrip-
churian type broadsword equipped with an oval-shape tions of arms, armor, tactics and warriors of Tibetan
flat guard and several fullers on broadsword’s blade feudal Army as well as reach photographic collections.
(Выборнов и др., 2003). At the same time the fact of Separate items of Tibetan weapon from The Anthro-
the oblique tip of its single-edged straight blade have pology and Ethnography museum were described by
interfered with its dating and final attribution as a A.M. Reshetov in the end of 1960-s (Решетов, 1969).
Manchurian or Southern Siberian weapon (Скобелев, During last years, specialists became able to research
2006). original Tibetan items of XVII – XIX centuries and
Together with the oval flat guard and remains of 1st half of XX century from foreign museums and
supposedly trapezoidal pommel, the oblique tip and private collections. The research of such items allows
single-edged straight blade clearly identify out of the specialists to mark main typological characteristics of
number of similar findings of blade arms on the terri- such type of Tibetan weapons and fix peculiarities of
tory of Southern Siberia and Central Asia. construction of its blades (LaRocca, 2006; Пронин,
In fact, similar guards and trapezoidal pommels could Москвитин, 2010; Бобров, Пронин, 2011; Пронин,
be seen among both Manchurian and Tibetan arms Худяков, 2011). The reconstructed technology shows
complexes. The question about the supposed Manchu- us that such type of broadsword blades have usually
rian or Tibetan origin of such details is now opened. been made of specially combined rods of harder and
The question about borrowings of decorative elements softer iron (Пронин, Худяков, 2011). Harder and soft-
of blade arms of Tibetans and Manchurians is now er iron rods had different carbon intensity.
opened, too (Скобелев, 2006: 168 - 169; Горелик, In this case, design, construction peculiarities and
2004). form are a reliable basis for determining the chro-
Facts of borrowings of Manchurian style pommel nology and the origin of the item. Small details of
and guard (as well as such design on “yangmaodao” its mount (guard, pommel, suspension, etc.) require
and “luedao” sabers of highest Qin empire officials less laboriousness and could be adopted or borrowed
and militaries of XVII – XVIII centuries) have been by contacting nations more easy. The technology
already fixed by foreign researchers and the author of blade making is the most complicated part of the
(LaRrocca, 2006: 168-169; Huang Pujiang, 2007; broadsword (or any other blade weapon) production
Бобров, Пронин, 2011). Chinese researches have process. Blade making technology is among the most
fixed details of décor and design of ceremonial Qian- conservative skills in traditional cultures. Such tech-
glong broadswords (2nd half of XVIII century) which nology is based on a complicated mixture of objective
are totally common with its Tibetan analogies, too factors and reasons: resources available; technological
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traditions; religious traditions; technical level of tra- softer dark iron supposed to be a “female” iron (mo
ditional technology development and military tactics lsags) and harder light-colored iron supposed to be a
demands, etc. “male” iron (pho lsags). This technology provided Ti-
Being the main and most conservative part of a sword betan blades with necessary flexibility and strength.
production process, the blade making technology re- Harder light-colored iron formed a cutting edge, butt
sists external influences and borrowings. For example, and tip of a blade. The ends of iron rods forged to-
our research of Tibetan broadswords with an oblique gether and formed a blade’s tang.
tip and single-edged straight blades from United Peculiarities of a modern condition of the broad-
States and Great Britain museums and private collec- sword, as well as longitudinal recesses existence tell
tions from Israel and China shows that such broad- us about different corrosion processes for softer and
swords have had lots of variations of pommel, guard, harder iron with different carbon intensity. The cor-
suspension mounts and decorations instead of one rosion processes have formed an unusual relief of the
type, similar size and construction of blades (Пронин, blade (Figure 6). Layers of harder iron became less
Москвтитн, 2010; Бобров, Пронин, 2011; Пронин, damaged than layers of softer iron. Damaged layers of
Худяков, 2011). softer iron with less carbon intensity have formed the
Detailed research of the broadsword from Koya 3 mentioned longitudinal recesses on both sides of the
burial ground allows us to specify all its characteris- blade (Figure 2/ 1 – 3).
tics (Figure 1). Common length of the blade is 55 cm. Remaining parts of blade’s mount (pommel parts and
Maximum width (in the middle part) of the blade is flat oval guard) were widely spread across China,
about 3,3 cm. Single-edged straight blade is covered Mongolia, Southern Siberia and Central Asia (Figure
with 5 longitudinal stripe recesses on each side. At first 7/ a – в; 8). These parts are hardly could tell us about
publications these recesses were mistakenly attributed the origin of the broadsword. Only in conjunction
as fullers by the broadsword’s first researchers. with its blade described before we can find similarity
During visual inspection author has found that these with Eastern-Tibetan straight broadswords. Examples
longitudinal stripes are all irregular and have a dif- of broadswords from Eastern Tibet with trapezoidal
ferent depth (Figure 2). Further detailed inspection pommel, flat horizontal guard and straight single-
of the blade with using of macro photo and different edged blade with oblique tip are known (LaRocca,
light helped us to find that all these stripes are come 2006; Бобров, Пронин, 2011].
together near by the oblique tip (Figure 3/ 6 – 8). More The iron broadsword described in our article allows us
over, one of these stripes at 1/3 from the tip has been to fix single fact of using of the straight broadsword
damaged and transformed into small detachment part made in the Eastern-Tibetan traditional manner on
by corrosion (Figure 4/ 1 – 2). The direction line of the territory of Southern Siberia. This fact allows us
the detachment is the same with one of longitudinal to widen the area of Tibetan blade arms spreading.
stripe. Similar detachment is also exists at blade’s tang Tibetan arm complexes of the Late Middle Ages are
near by the guard (Figure 5/ a, b). differ from Central Asian, Eastern Asian and Southern
Characteristics and location of mentioned longitudinal Siberian arm complexes of the same period. Straight
recesses are close to the known examples of promi- broadswords have dominated among other Tibetan
nent Tibetan hairpin pattern of a blade from XVII – blade arms, which had been close to the Mongolian
XIX centuries (LaRocca, 2006; Пронин, Москвитин, arm complex in which straight broadswords were
2010; Бобров, Пронин, 2011; Пронин, Худяков, also popular. Special researches outlined the close
2011). Recesses are comes together near by the oblique contact in the development of Tibetan and Mongo-
tip – this is a typically Tibetan element of such a pat- lian arms and armor (according to the close features
tern, Thur, of forged blades. European and US special- of both arms and armor). As for the armor complex
ists describe such pattern as “hairpin pattern” (Stone, the Mongolian influence was fixed as dominating,
1999; LaRocca, 2006; Пронин, Москвитин, 2010; but as for the blade arms the Tibetan influence on
Бобров, Пронин, 2011; Пронин, Худяков, 2011). A Mongolian weapon have been dominating (Бобров,
common example of hairpin pattern usually consist Худяков, 2008: 614 - 615). At the same time, part of
of 5-7 dark lines and 6 light lines (Бобров, Пронин, Central Asian nobility (for example, Dzhungarian and
2011: 247). This pattern indicates that the blade is Kukunor feudal lords) probably has used swords and
made of 3 folded rods (or “hairpins”) of dark softer broadswords of Tibetan production. Oirats-Khoshouts
iron and alternating with 3 rods of harder light colored who had settled down in Central Tibet and Kukunor
iron with a single rod of softer dark iron in the center. in XVII c. have also used Tibetan blades (Ibid.: 260).
In such way special pack of iron rods is formed before Such facts allow specialists to suggest opportunities of
forging process. According to the Tibetan tradition spreading of Tibetan blades in Central Asia (Пронин,
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Рис. 4
Рис. 1 Рис. 2
Рис. 5
Рис. 3
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Ali Kazım ÖZ
Dokuz Eylul University, Izmir, Turkey
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panorama of archaeological site that occurred for and Directorate of Metropolis Excavation. First phase,
thousands of years. the architectural design and constructive decision
Metropolis is located in a slope of ancient Gallesion were taken by the Architectural Office of Metropolis
Mountain and Caystrus Valley area that surrounds Excavation. The preliminary cost estimates of this
visitors by a landscape. Visitor Center offers phase were generated with the sources of MESEDER
opportunities to learn about and understand the and Sabanci Foundation. Second phase, the site
awesome archaeological events. The visitor experience circulation system and city furniture designed by the
at the site and in the MVC provides a framework Application Office of Cultural Ministry. Finally, the
for conveying a broad interpretive story. By careful budget for application of all projects is covered by The
integration of site design elements, interpretation of Ministry of Culture and Tourism of Turkey.
the archaeological, cultural and natural components Development of the vision for the Metropolis Visitor
of the region can provide a compelling experience. Center involved a collaborative process by engaging
Thematic story lines can take the visitor back in time, numerous public and private organizations. Qualified
with dynamic aerial views, simulations of the ancient consultants facilitate a visioning process and provide
time processes and illustrations of where the visitor is conceptual design plans for the Metropolis Visitor
in relationship to the overall landscape. Attention to Center. The project staff and consultant team included:
way finding, site circulation systems, vehicle access, Yakup HARMANDA (Architect, Application Office
overlook terraces, resting area, universal accessibility of Cultural Ministry)
and developing a strong connection between the Hasan H. ÖZTÜRK (Architect, Application Office of
building and environment contribute to a positive Cultural Ministry)
visitor experience2. Yeliz KÖSE (Landscape Architect, Application Office
Site options with sensitive planning and design, will of Cultural Ministry)
create a model for architectural stewardship and Ali Kazım ÖZ (Dr. Architect, Metropolis Excavation)
recreation. The Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Pınar KARATAŞ (Architect, Metropolis Excavation)
the Directorate of Metropolis Excavation, Sabanci Ayhan NUHOĞLU (Assist. Prof. Dr. Civil Engineer,
Foundation and the Association of Metropolis Lovers Ege University)
(MESEDER) and other architectural participation Yılmaz Gökçe DÜZ (Mechanical Engineer)
process for the MVC worked closely with stakeholders An Advisory Committee was formed to represent
who represent the interests of the surrounding the interests of the surrounding community. Public
community. Workshops and presentations gathered and non-profit organizations guided the development
useful feedback during the design process by engaging of programmatic and interpretive goals for the
the participants in a focused and constructive dialog. Visitor Center and provided a structure for review
Gathering input from a broad range of perspectives and approval. The Advisory Committee included
ensured the evolution of good ideas and strong goals the following individuals as representatives of their
which have been distilled into a successful site plan. respective agencies:
The Project of Site Management and Visitor Center at Serdar AYBEK (Assoc. Prof. Dr. Archaeologist, Director
Metropolis was approved by the Cultural and Natural of Metropolis Excavation)
Heritage Conservation Board of Izmir (KTVKK) in Recep MERİÇ (Prof. Dr. Archaeologist, Yasar
June, 2012. Projects were prepared on the basis of University)
related the regulation on the Environmental Design Arzu AMİRAK (Director of MESEDER)
Projects3. Otherwise, the international conventions, Hasan Onur ARDA (Accountant, MESEDER)
charters and resolutions have contributed to project as Dürrin SÜER (M + D Architecture)
a significant role4. Zeynep AKTÜRE (Assist. Prof. Dr. Architect, Izmir
Generally, the process was executed by two main Institute of Technology)
councils, the Application Office of Cultural Ministry Fehmi DOĞAN (Assist. Prof. Dr. Architect, Izmir
2 Some items of thematic design have inspired by the Visitor Center of Institute of Technology)
Dry Falls in Coulee City, Washington State, USA.
3 The Regulation on the Procedures and Principles of the Preparation,
Presentation, Application, Control and Authors of the Conservation Plans and The Architectural Project. The main purpose of
Environmental Design Projects, 2005, The Ministry of Culture and Tourism
in Republic of Turkey. the project is to enhance history and environmental
4 Most important documents are; Convention Concerning the Protection awareness by expanding scope of the excavation site
of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage by UNESCO, 1972; European
Convention on the Protection of the Archaeological Heritage by COE 1992;
and visitor center. In this context, the principles were
Burra Charter by ICOMOS 1999; International Cultural Tourism Charter by adopted to convert area for the use of multi-purpose
ICOMOS 1999. Some of these documents were signed by Turkish Govern- center dependent to the existing zoning regulations
ment and published in Oz A. K. and Guner S. 2007.
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tific and educational value will improve to intensive Oz A. K. and Guner S. 2007
research and teaching about the past. Thus, some Uluslararasi Kulturel Miras Mevzuati, KUMID
progress can be achieved to protect the antiquities, Publication, Istanbul.
contribute archaeological knowledge and educate
visitors. However, economic value will also appreci-
ate to provide monetary benefits for the region. The
economic capability of the site as a tourist destination
can be derived from the site’s heritage values and sig-
nificance. As an aesthetic value, the architectural proj-
ect forming with modern and simple structure can be
a good example for the annexes of other ruins. Three
main items summarize the project: simplicity, trans-
parence and temporality.
New target of Metropolis Excavation and its
stakeholders must be preparation of a Site Management
Project5. For this purpose, a new cooperation
is required with partners such as directorate of
Metropolis Excavation, Ministry of Culture and
its local departments, universities, subnational
administration, sponsors, NGO’s and private offices.
Stakeholders also include professionals from various
disciplines such as archaeology, history, architecture,
city planning, heritage conservation, tourism and
economy studies who may offer expert opinions about
the place.
REFERENCES
Tuna N. 2011
“The Archaeological Heritage Management of Ilisu
Salvage Project”, in Tuna N. and Doonan O. (Eds.)
Salvage Project of the Archaeological Heritage of the
Ilisu and Carchemish Dam Reservoirs Activities in
2002, 1, 265-320, TACDAM, Ankara.
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Alisa Borisenko
Novosibirsk State University, Novosibirsk, Russia
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qədim mifik Çud millətinə aid idi. XIX əsrin sonların- экспедиции Д. Г. Мессершмидтом и его коллега-
da alimlər onların qəim türk məəniyyətinə aid olma- ми, относятся к разным группам памятников, раз-
sını müəyyən etdi. Bu rəsmlərin mühüm əhəmiyyəti личным культурам и историческим эпохам. Среди
vardır, belə ki, abidələr bu dövrümüzə qədər qoru- них петроглифы, каменные стелы и изваяния, ме-
nub saxlanmayıblar, yalnız bu rəsmlərə görə onları таллические вещи. Отдельные описания и рисунки
öyrənmək mümkündür. в разное время издавались и переиздавались В. В.
Радловым, М. Г. Новлянской, Т. К. Шафрановской,
Начало изучения и коллекционирования древно- Ю. Г. Белокобыльским, А. А. Формозовым, Б.
стей в Сибири связано с деятельностью немец- Брентьесом, Р. С. Васильевским и др. исследова-
ких ученых, которые были приглашены в Россию телями (Радлов, 1989; Новлянская, 1970; Шафра-
Петром I. В 1718 г. им был издан указ, согласно новская, 1994; Белокобыльский, 1986; Формозов,
которому все древние предметы, найденные в зем- 1986; Brentjes, Vasilievsky, 1989). Для изучения
ле - из камня, из железа или меди, человеческие истории и культуры древних и традиционных куль-
кости, кости животных, рыбы или птицы, непохо- тур населения Северной и Центральной Азии их
жие на современные - предписано было сдавать ценность не одинакова. Некоторые из них важны
в казну через сибирскую администрацию за хоро- с точки зрения первого опыта фиксации наскаль-
шее вознаграждение. Однако, отечественных спе- ных рисунков, представляют в первую очередь
циалистов, которые смогли бы квалифицировано историографический интерес. Таковы, например,
описать, изучить, сохранить такие предметы в этот рисунки людей и животных, различных знаков,
период в стране не было. Поэтому было решено сделанные в ходе осмотра Томской писаницы и
пригласить их из заграницы. Так как Россия име- петроглифических памятников на Енисее, зари-
ла устойчивые научные, образовательные, куль- сованные с каменных стел и плит, установленных
турные связи с германскими государствами, то и в стенах оград курганов тагарской культуры. Они
первые ученые, были приглашены именно оттуда. выполнялись художником Карлом Шульманом,
В апреле 1718 г. в Санкт-Петербург прибыл Да- одним из участников экспедиции, весьма прибли-
ниил Готлиб Мессершмидт, который должен был зительно. Их нельзя считать точными копиями, на
провести ряд исследований. Одной из задач его них не соблюдены пропорции и точное расположе-
экспедиции стало изучение древних памятников. ние фигур.
Экспедиция длилась почти 10 лет, был собран Но Д. Г. Мессершмидтом были сделаны и очень
обширный материал по этнографии и археологии важные для науки открытия, и особенно, для исто-
Сибирского региона. Однако по возвращению в рии изучения древнетюркской культуры народов
Санкт-Петербург ученый обязан был оставить все Северной и Центральной Азии. Так, им были от-
собранные данные и коллекции в недавно создан- крыты памятники древнетюркской письменности,
ной Кунсткамере. Согласно договору, подписан- которую он назвал рунической по сходству рисун-
ному им с Медицинской канцелярией (так как по ков с древними германскими рунами. Им были
специальности Д. Г. Мессершмидт был медиком), также открыты и зафиксированы каменные извая-
он не имел права работать с ними и публиковать ния древних тюрок и скульптуры животных с по-
результаты своего труда. К сожалению, судьба минальных комплексов в Минусинской котловине.
собранных им коллекций была печальна. Боль- В конце весны и в течение лета 1721 г. экспедицией
шинство экспонатов погибло во время пожара в Д. Г. Мессершмидта было зафиксировано несколько
Кунсткамере в 1747 г. Скудная часть собранных памятников рунической письменности в Минусин-
материалов, которая досталась ученому, также ской котловине. В мае того года на территории древ-
погибла во время кораблекрушения в Балтийском него могильника на левом берегу среднего течения р.
море, возле г. Пилау, когда Д. Г. Мессершмидт воз- Уйбат, выше впадения в него р. Беи была обнаружена
вращался домой в Германию. Однако часть вещей стела с рунической надписью, которая в настоящее
все же была зарисована художниками рисовальной время хранится в Минусинском музее. Эта надпись
палаты и сохранилась в графическом воспроизве- представляет собой древнетюркскую эпитафию
дении в альбоме «Сибирские куриозы», благодаря (Кляшторный, Лившиц, 1978. С. 40). (Рис. 1).
чему они доступны для изучения в настоящее вре- В начале января 1722 г. в Енисейской степи. Непо-
мя научной общественности. Кроме того, ряд за- далеку от Абакана был раскопан курган, на кото-
рисовок было выполнено в ходе экспедиционных ром стоял камень с «каракулями» (Messerschmidt,
работ. Судя по этим сохранившимся рисункам, 1962. S. 167). Эти рисунки были пересняты Кар-
археологические материалы, собранные во время лом Шульманом, художником экспедиции. Д.
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Рис. 2 Рис. 3
Рис. 1
Рис. 5 Рис. 4
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«КЕРАМИЧЕСКАЯ МАСТЕРСКАЯ»
ТОРЕЦКОГО ПОСЕЛЕНИЯ
Alsu Nuretdinova
Kazan Federal University, Kazan, Russia
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как кувшины, хумы, горшки, миски, светильни- ilir. Hazırda abidə ərazisində bir neçə emalatxana
ки, пряслица, котел, кумган, в том числе присут- məlumdur ki bu da yaşayış məskəninin əhalisinin qara
ствует один сфероконус неполной сохранности. metallurgiya, çuğunəritmə və tunc əritmə istehsalı
Среди индивидуальных находок следует отметить ilə, həmçinin zərgərlik, dulusçuluq və tikiş sənətləri
костяной гребень с циркульным орнаментом, сере- ilə məşğul olduqlarını sübut edir. 2003-2004-cü
бряный перстень с плоским подквадратным щит- illərdə məskənin şimal qurtaracağında dulusçuluq
ком неполной сохранности, железный нож, иглу emalatxanasında tədqiqat işlərinə başlanılmışdır. 60
и шило. В числе подъемного материала вблизи kv.metr sahədə keramik qalıqları, döymə və sənətkarlıq
раскопа найдены однолезвийное прямоугольное qalıqları aşkar edilmişdir. Keramikanın bolluğu (1608
кресало с прорезью, фрагмент чугунного котла и fraqment) və obyektlərin yerləşmə xarakteri belə bir
плоский наконечник стрелы линзовидного сечения qənaətə gəlməyə şərait yaratmışdır ki, qazıntıların
с упором на черешке. Комплексный анализ мате- şimal profilinə uzanan obyektlərdən biri (3-cü çuxur)
риала Раскопа VI согласуется с общей датировкой domna sobasının qalıqlarından biridir və dulusçuluq
памятника XV в. istehsalı ilə bağlı olan istehsalat kompleksinə dax-
ildir. Dulusçuluq kompleksinin sonrakı tədqiqi üçün
XÜLASƏ 2009-2011-ci illərdə müəlliflər tərəfindən 6-cı qazıntı
Mərkəzi Zakamyedə XV əsrə aid iri ticarət-sənətkarlıq sahəsində işlər davam etdirilmişdir. Beləliklə, ümumi
mərkəzidir. 25 hektara yaxın sahəyə malik olan abidə qazıntı sahəsi 176 kv.metr təşkil etmişdir. Aparılmış
Tatarstan Respublikasının Bilyarsk Alekseyevsk tədqiqatlar istehsalat xarakterli tikililər üzə çıxarmasa
kəndindən 2,3 km şimalda yerləşir. Torec məskəni da digər qazıntı sahələrindəki keramik materialına
S.İ.Valiulinanın rəhbərliyi ilə Kazan Universitetinin uyğun gələn prezentativ xarakterli keramik material-
ekspedisiyası tərəfindən 1988-ci ildən tədqiq ed- lar toplanmışdır. Qazıntı sahəsinin keramika materialı
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южного профиля. Объект – край ямы 3, исследо- да, мелкие осколки костей животных, серебряный
ванной Р.VI-2004г. Обнаружено небольшое число перстень. После расчистки печи на дне ямы обна-
находок – мелкие фрагменты керамики, фрагмен- ружено 4 пряслица и осколок поливной керамики.
тами бересты, кости животных присутствовали в Массовый материал с Раскопа VI-2009г. представ-
основном в слое прокала. лен 442 фрагментами керамики (из них 302экз. –
Яма 4 выявилась на кв.17 после зачистки перво- «общебулгарской»), керамическим браком (7экз.),
го штыка. В северной части находилась столбовая обмазкой (10экз.). Керамический материал с
ямка (диаметр–12см) глубиной 7см, вторая столбо- первого штыка представлен кувшинами (11 экз.),
вая ямка диаметром 15см глубиной 5см – на усту- корчагами (4 экз.), мисками (1 экз.) I «общебулгар-
пе. Заполнение – рыхлый золистый грунт с глиня- ской» группы по типологии Т.А. Хлебниковой. Не
ным крошевом, в центре ямы – массив глиняного менее 30% красноглиняной посуды со слоя покры-
прокала (развал печи). В процессе I выборки было то лощением. По морфологическим (форма, разме-
обнаружено кресало. В северной и восточной ча- ры, орнамент) и технологическим (характер теста,
сти ямы концентрировались развалы сосудов, обжиг) характеристикам набор близок к керамике,
фрагменты бересты, в том числе берестяного сосу- найденной в яме 1 Раскопа VI-2004г. Это сходство
Рис.3. Кувшины.
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закономерно, так как большую часть слоя состав- обнаружено две ямы хозяйственного назначения:
ляет балласт – отвал прежнего раскопа с мелкими яма 5 и яма 6. В обеих ямах обнаружено неболь-
фрагментами керамики. Иную картину показала шое количество керамики, мелких фрагментов
керамика из объектов: грубая темно-коричневая костей. По характеру керамический материал с
керамика как и на остальной части поселения XV раскопов близок к материалам с основной части
в. поселения XV в.
К тому же для предполагаемого производственно- Описание вещевого материала из ямы 1 Раскопа
го комплекса в ямах обнаружено крайне небольшое VI-2003-2004гг. Торецкого поселения.
количество керамики: яма 3 – 11 фр., яма 4 – 146 Нами учтено и подвергнуто обработке 1608 фраг-
фр. Материал из объектов разительно отличается ментов керамики, в том числе 105 фр. – «древне-
характером теста, обжигом, формой от керамики русской» керамики и 10фр. с примесью толченой
с первого штыка. В обеих ямах значительна доля раковины – «прикамско-приуральской».
лепной керамики. Следует отметить наличие XIV Группа I. Это одноручные кувшинообразные со-
группы – древнерусская, которая встречается по- суды (Рис.3). Целых форм не обнаружено. Харак-
всеместно на центральных раскопах. терной чертой сосудов является наличие одной
Выявленное теплотехническое сооружение скорее уплощенно-овальной в сечении ручки, С-овидной
представляет собой бытовую печь под навесом. или Г-образной в профиле. Венчик утолщен сна-
Небольшая площадь раскопа не дала ответа на во- ружи, край округлый. Поверхность сосудов всегда
прос о наличии керамического ремесленного ком- залощена. В функциональном отношении сосуды
плекса в данной части памятника и соотношении являются столовыми, наиболее крупные могли
объектов XIII в. (яма 1 Р.VI-2004 г.) с основной служить для переноски и хранения воды и других
площадью Торецкого поселения XVв. жидкостей (Кочкина, 1986: 25).
Результаты геофизического исследования не пока- Подгруппа I.1 (Рис.3, 5). Кувшины крупных раз-
зали других антропогенных аномалий на данном меров – 4фр. с широкой горловиной (диаметр
участке, поэтому дальнейшие работы были про- венчика=11-12,3см). Целых форм не обнаружено.
должены в южном направлении от Раскопа VI- Подгруппа I.2 (Рис.3, 6). Кувшины крупных раз-
2003-2004гг. меров – 3фр. с широкой горловиной (диаметр
В 2010 и 2011 годах было заложено два раскопа в венчика=11,6-12,5см, со сливом=13,5-14,5см). На
южном направлении площадью 40 (Рис.2, квадра- венчике с противоположной стороны от ручки
ты 20-29) и 60 кв.м (Рис.2, квадраты 30-44) соот- имеется слив, оттянутый пальцем. Целых форм не
ветственно. Проведенные исследования не выяви- обнаружено.
ли объектов производственного характера. Было Подгруппа I.3 (Рис.3, 1-4). Кувшины средних
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Рис.4. Горшки.
размеров – 21экз. с узкой горловиной (диаметр форм не обнаружено.
венчика=6,45-7,5см, диаметр горловины=4,6- Группа IV (Рис.5). К этой группе относятся широ-
5,7см). Линия профиля горловины слегка вогнута, кие открытые сосуды – миски (26 экз.). Диаметр
слегка расширяется к основанию горловины. Пе- венчика=135-280см. Целых форм не обнаружено.
реход к тулову плавный, часто выделен рельефно. Место перегиба тулова иногда подчеркнуто ре-
Диаметр дна=9,5-12,5см. Целых форм не обнару- бром. Венчики округло или заостренно утолщены
жено. По форме торецкие кувшины близки к ма- с обеих сторон, край выпуклый. Снаружи сосуды
териалам Горкинского VIII селища, датированного иногда покрыты лощением. Миски служили быто-
С.И. Валиулиной XIII в. (Валиулина, 2009). вой посудой.
Подгруппа I.4 (Рис.4, 1-4). Маленькие кувшин- Группа V (Рис.6, 5-6). В нее выделены светильни-
чики – 11экз. (диаметр венчика=7-8см, диаметр ки (5 экз.), представляющие собой маленькую ши-
дна=4,2-4,5см). Отсутствие целых форм затрудня- рокоую и неглубокую плошку с плавно загнутым
ет реконструкцию сосудов. внутрь коротким бортиком, край венчика окру-
Группа II (Рис.4, 5-7) . К этой группе отнесены 4 глый или слегка приостренный. Своеобразием
сосуда небольших размеров и средних пропор- этих сосудов является наличие носика для фитиля
ций (кружки), у которых высота меньше и равна и короткая, чаще всего крючкообразная ручка, рас-
диаметру тулова (диаметр венчика=8см, диаметр положенная с противоположный стороны от носи-
тулова=13см). Сосудам свойственно сочетание ка. У одного светильника обломана ручка, второй
четко выраженной широкой горловины и при- – во фрагментарном состоянии. Еще три экземпля-
плюснутые очертания тулова. Целых форм не об- ра в крайне фрагментарном состоянии со следами
наружено. Поверхность сосудов всегда залощена. копоти. Диаметр тулова=135-280см. Целых форм
В функциональном отношении сосуды являются не обнаружено. Миски служили бытовой посудой.
столовыми, скорее всего, индивидуального поль- Среди основных выше описанных форм на раско-
зования (Кочкина, 1986: 34). пе в единичных экземплярах также представлены
Группа III. Горшкобразные сосуды (13 экз.). В эту сфероконус, тувак – ночной горшок, котел, крыш-
группу вошли сосуды широких пропорций. У них ка лепная.
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