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The Spanish general election will be held on Sunday, 23 July , to elect the 15th Cortes Generales of the Kingdom of Spain. All seats in the Congress of Deputies will be up for election, as well as of seats in the Senate.

The government formed after the November election consisted of a left-wing coalition between the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and Unidas Podemos, the first such nationwide government in Spain since the times of the Second Spanish Republic. However, the government's tenure was quickly overshadowed by the outbreak of the COVID pandemic in March , along with its political and economic consequences. These consequences included the severe global recession resulting from the extensive lockdown measures implemented to curb the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus, as well as the economic impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

On the right side of the political spectrum, the People's Party (PP) underwent a leadership change in February , following an internal push by Galician and Madrilenian presidents, Alberto Núñez Feijóo and Isabel Díaz Ayuso, to remove party leader Pablo Casado. Since Feijóo's accession, PP has led opinion polls and finished first in the regional and local elections of 28 May ^[1] Far-right Vox has been open to support the PP in a hung parliament in exchange for government participation and programatic concessions.^[2] The liberal Citizens party, once a leading force but having lost most of its support since , decided not to run in this election, focusing its efforts on the European Parliament election instead.^[3]

Despite speculation about an early election,^[4][5]Prime MinisterPedro Sánchez, the incumbent, consistently expressed his intention to complete the legislature as scheduled in ^[6] He had initially set a tentative election date for December , near the conclusion of the Spanish presidency of the Council of the European Union. However, the poor results of the left-wing bloc in the May regional and local elections, with losses to the PP and Vox in all but three regions, led to a surprise early dissolution of the Cortes in what was described as a gamble by Sánchez to wrong-foot the opposition.^[7][8]

Overview[edit]

Electoral system[edit]

The Spanish Cortes Generales is envisaged as an imperfect bicameral system. The Congress of Deputies has greater legislative power than the Senate, having the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a prime minister and to override Senate vetoes by an absolute majority of votes. Nonetheless, the Senate possesses a few exclusive (yet limited in number) functions—such as its role in constitutional amendment—which are not subject to the Congress' override.^[9][10] Voting for the Cortes Generales is on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprises all nationals over 18 years of age and in full enjoyment of their political rights.^[11] Amendments to the electoral law in abolished the "begged" or expat vote system (Spanish: Voto rogado), under which Spaniards abroad were required to apply for voting before being permitted to vote.^[12] The expat vote system was attributed responsibility for a major decrease in the turnout of Spaniards abroad during the years it had been in force.^[13]

For the Congress of Deputies, seats are elected using the D'Hondt method and a closed listproportional representation, with an electoral threshold of three per cent of valid votes—which includes blank ballots—being applied in each constituency. Seats are allocated to constituencies, corresponding to the provinces of Spain, with each being allocated an initial minimum of two seats and the remaining being distributed in proportion to their populations. Ceuta and Melilla are allocated the two remaining seats, which are elected using plurality voting.^[9][14] The use of the D'Hondt method may result in a higher effective threshold, depending on the district magnitude.^[15]

As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Congress multi-member constituency was entitled the following seats:^[16]

For the Senate, seats are elected using an open listpartial block voting system, with electors voting for individual candidates instead of parties. In constituencies electing four seats, electors can vote for up to three candidates; in those with two or three seats, for up to two candidates; and for one candidate in single-member districts. Each of the 47 peninsular provinces is allocated four seats, whereas for insular provinces, such as the Balearic and Canary Islands, districts are the islands themselves, with the larger—Majorca, Gran Canaria and Tenerife—being allocated three seats each, and the smaller—Menorca, Ibiza–Formentera, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, El Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma—one each. Ceuta and Melilla elect two seats each. Additionally, autonomous communities can appoint at least one senator each and are entitled to one additional senator per each million inhabitants.^[9][14]

Election date[edit]

The term of each chamber of the Cortes Generales—the Congress and the Senate—expires four years from the date of their previous election, unless they are dissolved earlier. The election decree shall be issued no later than the twenty-fifth day prior to the date of expiry of the Cortes in the event that the prime minister does not make use of his prerogative of early dissolution. The decree shall be published on the following day in the Official State Gazette (BOE), with election day taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication. The previous election was held on 10 November , which means that the legislature's term will expire on 10 November The election decree must be published in the BOE no later than 17 October , with the election taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication, setting the latest possible election date for the Cortes Generales on Sunday, 10 December ^[14][17]

The prime minister has the prerogative to dissolve both chambers at any given time—either jointly or separately—and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence is in process, no state of emergency is in force and that dissolution does not occur before one year has elapsed since the previous one. Additionally, both chambers are to be dissolved and a new election is called if an investiture process fails to elect a prime minister within a two-month period from the first ballot.^[9] Barred this exception, there is no constitutional requirement for simultaneous elections for the Congress and the Senate. Still, as of there has been no precedent of separate elections taking place under the Constitution.

Following his party's defeat in the Madrilenian regional election held on 4 May , Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez commented that there were still "32 months to go" ahead of the next general election, which meant that the election date was implied to be tentatively scheduled for January ^[18] This opened questions on the maximum timetable for holding a new election, with legal interpretations up until that point considering that the Cortes Generales's expiry date was set four years from the previous election; however, an interpretation that considered that the four-year timetable started counting from the chamber's first assembly or from the prime minister's investiture could push the election date into January or February ^{[19][20][21][22]} On 2 August , Sánchez himself dispelled any doubts on this issue by announcing that the election would be held in December ,^[23] a position reiterated on 27 March when he said that there were still "nine months left" in the current parliamentary term.^[24]

After the 28 May regional and local elections, Sánchez announced the following day that the general election will be held on 23 July, with the election decree being published in the BOE the day after.^[25] With only Sánchez's inner circle having prior knowledge of the announcement before it was made,^[26] political parties from across the spectrum were caught by surprise,^[27] with PP leaders in particular reportedly feeling upset over the election call as it prevented them from capitalizing on their gains in the previous day's elections.^[28] The IBEX 35 stock index also reacted negatively to the surprise election call.^[29]

The Cortes Generales were officially dissolved on 30 May after the publication of the dissolution decree in the BOE, setting the election date for 23 July and scheduling for both chambers to reconvene on 17 August.^[16] This will be the first Spanish general election to be held in July since ^[30]

Parliamentary composition[edit]

The tables below show the composition of the parliamentary groups in both chambers at the time of dissolution.^[31][32]

Parties and candidates[edit]

The electoral law allows for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry, coalitions and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form a coalition ahead of an election are required to inform the relevant Electoral Commission within ten days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors need to secure the signature of at least one per cent of the electorate in the constituencies for which they seek election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates. Concurrently, parties, federations or coalitions that have not obtained a mandate in either chamber of the Cortes at the preceding election are required to secure the signature of at least per cent of electors in the aforementioned constituencies.^[14] The electoral law provides for a special, simplified process for election re-runs, including a shortening of deadlines, the lifting of signature requirements if these had been already met for the immediate previous election and the possibility of maintaining lists and coalitions without needing to go through pre-election procedures again.

Below is a list of the main parties and electoral alliances which will likely contest the election:

Internal disputes emerged within the People's Party (PP) following Isabel Díaz Ayuso's landslide victory in the Madrilenian election, as the regional president came to be seen by a party sector as a better candidate than Pablo Casado to face off Pedro Sánchez in a general election.^[68][69] The conflict came to a head from September when both sides clashed for the control of the party's regional branch in the Community of Madrid, with Ayuso's possible rise to the presidency of the regional PP being seen by Casado's supporters as an immediate threat to his national leadership.^[70][71] Following several months of a leadership that was perceived as poor and erratic, coupled with an erosion of popular support in opinion polls and a disappointing result in the Castilian-Leonese regional election, the crisis entered a new stage on 16 February when some media revealed an alleged plot of the party's national leadership to investigate Ayuso's family in search of compromising material—more specifically, alleged influence peddling in the awarding of public contracts to Ayuso's brother. After several days of public infighting between both Casado and Ayuso, Galician presidentAlberto Núñez Feijóo was reported as having agreed with the latter and other party regional presidents to become the party's new leader and replace Casado, who was said to be willing to hold on until the PP congress scheduled for July.^[72][73][74] On 22 February, Casado's resignation was announced after he was abandoned by most of the party's leadership and public officers.^[40]

As a result of Pablo Iglesias's farewell from active politics in May , Labour minister—and, from July , second deputy prime minister—Yolanda Díaz, came to be widely regarded as Iglesias's presumptive successor as prime ministerial candidate in the next general election.^[42] Díaz expressed her will to shape a new electoral platform transcending political parties, as well as the Unidas Podemos brand,^[75][76] aiming to secure the support of ideologically close forces such as En Comú Podem (ECP), Compromís and Más Madrid/Más País while giving a prevalent role to civil society.^[77][78][79] The platform saw an advance unity act during an event to be held on 13 November , with the participation of a number of women representative of the various political spaces that could eventually join it: Díaz herself, Barcelona mayorAda Colau (ECP), Valencian vice-president Mónica Oltra (Compromís), Madrilenian opposition leader Mónica García (Más Madrid) and Ceutan councillor Fatima Hamed (from the Movement for Dignity and Citizenship, MDyC); the absence of Podemos members in the event, most notably of Equality and Social Rights ministers Irene Montero and Ione Belarra, was seen as evidence of the growing diminished role of Unidas Podemos within the platform.^[80] Díaz's-led left-wing alliance was also well received by prime minister Pedro Sánchez, who saw it as important for the "progressive space" to be in "top shape" for his government to be able to maintain and expand its majority in the next election.^[81] While the term "Broad Front" has been frequently used in the media to refer to Díaz's platform,^[82][83] it has been commented that Díaz herself has rejected the use of this name for its connections with similar brandings used by left-wing populist alliances in Latin America.^[84] On 18 May , it was announced that Díaz's platform would go under the name "Sumar" (English: Unite).^[85]

In September , citizen collectives of the so-called "Empty Spain" (Spanish: España Vacía or España Vaciada), a coined term to refer to Spain's rural and largely unpopulated interior provinces,^[86] agreed to look forward to formulas to contest the next elections in Spain, inspired by the success of the Teruel Existe candidacy (Spanish for "Teruel Exists") in the November general election.^[54] By November , it was confirmed that over collectives and associations from about 30 Spanish provinces had committed themselves to finalise the electoral platform before January ^[55] It then contested the Castilian-Leonese regional election, with mixed results: a success for the Soria-based Soria Now! (SY) platform but a disappointment elsewhere.

On 30 May , the national executive of Citizens, which had won 10 seats in , announced that the party would not contest the general election following its poor results in the regional and local elections.^[66] This decision was criticised by a number of its elected representatives, including incumbent MP and former party leadership contender Edmundo Bal.^[87]

Timetable[edit]

The key dates are listed below (all times are CET. The Canary Islands used WET (UTC+0) instead):^[14][88]

• 29 May: The election decree is issued with the countersign of the Prime Minister after deliberation in the Council of Ministers, ratified by the King.^[16]
• 30 May: Formal dissolution of the Cortes Generales and beginning of a suspension period of events for the inauguration of public works, services or projects.
• 2 June: Initial constitution of provincial and zone electoral commissions.
• 9 June: Deadline for parties and federations intending to enter into a coalition to inform the relevant electoral commission.
• 19 June: Deadline for parties, federations, coalitions, and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates to the relevant electoral commission.
• 21 June: Submitted lists of candidates are provisionally published in the Official State Gazette (BOE).
• 24 June: Deadline for citizens entered in the Register of Absent Electors Residing Abroad (CERA) and for citizens temporarily absent from Spain to apply for voting (extended to 1 April by the Central Electoral Commission).
• 25 June: Deadline for parties, federations, coalitions, and groupings of electors to rectify irregularities in their lists.
• 26 June: Official proclamation of valid submitted lists of candidates.
• 27 June: Proclaimed lists are published in the BOE.
• 7 July: Official start of electoral campaigning.^[16]
• 13 July: Deadline to apply for postal voting.
• 18 July: Official start of legal ban on electoral opinion polling publication, dissemination or reproduction and deadline for CERA citizens to vote by mail.
• 19 July: Deadline for postal and temporarily absent voters to issue their votes.
• 21 July: Last day of official electoral campaigning and deadline for CERA citizens to vote in a ballot box in the relevant consular office or division^[16]
• 22 July: Official hour ban on political campaigning prior to the general election (reflection day).
• 23 July: Polling day (polling stations open at 9&#;am and close at 8&#;pm or once voters present in a queue at/outside the polling station at 8&#;pm have cast their vote). Provisional counting of votes starts immediately.
• 26 July: General counting of votes, including the counting of CERA votes.
• 29 July: Deadline for the general counting of votes to be carried out by the relevant electoral commission.
• 7 August: Deadline for elected members to be proclaimed by the relevant electoral commission.
• 17 August: Deadline for both chambers of the Cortes Generales to be re-assembled (the election decree determines this date, which for the election was set for 17 August).^[16]
• 16 September: Final deadline for definitive results to be published in the BOE.

Campaign[edit]

Election debates[edit]

Opinion polls[edit]

Main article: Opinion polling for the Spanish general election

Local regressiontrend line of poll results from 10 November to the present day, with each line corresponding to a political party.

Polling aggregations[edit]

Voter turnout[edit]

The table below shows registered vote turnout on election day without including voters from the Census of Absent-Residents (CERA).

Results[edit]

Congress of Deputies[edit]

Form of journalism based on press releases and agency stories

Churnalism is a pejorative term for a form of journalism in which press releases, stories provided by news agencies, and other forms of pre-packaged material, instead of reported news, are used to create articles in newspapers and other news media. It is a portmanteau of "churn" and "journalism".^[1] Its purpose is to reduce cost by reducing original news-gathering and checking sources^[2] to counter revenue lost with the rise of Internet news and decline in advertising, with a particularly steep fall in late ^[3] The origin of the word has been credited to BBC journalist Waseem Zakir.

Churnalism has increased to the point that many stories found in the press are not original.^[3] The decline of original journalism has been associated with a corresponding rise in public relations.^[4]

Prevalence[edit]

In his book Flat Earth News,^[5] the British journalist Nick Davies reported a study at Cardiff University by Justin Lewis and a team of researchers^[6] which found that 80% of the stories in Britain's quality press were not original and that only 12% of stories were generated by reporters.^[2] The result is a reduction of quality and accuracy, as the articles are open to manipulation and distortion.

A study of million articles published by the U.S. and international editions of the HuffPost found that only 44% were written by staff journalists and thus could be considered original reporting.^[7]

The journalist Waseem Zakir has been credited for coining the term churnalism while working for the BBC in ^[8] (however, Zakir himself recollects it being a decade earlier).^[9] According to Zakir, the trend towards this form of journalism involves reporters becoming more reactive and less proactive in searching for news: "You get copy coming in on the wires and reporters churn it out, processing stuff and maybe adding the odd local quote. It's affecting every newsroom in the country and reporters are becoming churnalists."^[10]

An editorial on the matter in the British Journalism Review saw this trend as terminal for current journalism, "a harbinger of the end of news journalism as we know it, the coroner's verdict can be nothing other than suicide."^[11] Others, such as Peter Preston, former editor of The Guardian, see the issue as over-wrought, saying that there was never a golden age of journalism in which journalists were not subject to such pressures.^[12]

Nick Davies and Roy Greenslade gave evidence on the matter to the Culture, Media and Sport Committee in ^[13]

Churnalism does not only occur in newspapers; for example, Chris Anderson's wide use of "writethroughs" in his book Free: The Future of a Radical Price has been labelled churnalism.^[14]

Economic causes[edit]

Traditional newspapers have cut staff as their advertising revenue has declined because of competition from other media such as television and the Internet.^[15] They no longer have sufficient staff to generate news stories by making the rounds of civic and business activities. Local newspapers and trade magazines are commonly produced by only one or two staff and these rely upon stories which are increasingly brought to them by public relations representatives, according to a senior public relations professional.^[16] When the matter was debated at the Foreign Press Association, it was agreed that there was a relationship between the numbers of PR staff employed and journalists unemployed.^[4] There was a particularly steep fall in UK advertising revenue in the 6 months to March , with the Daily Mail & General Trust issuing a warning to investors after its newspaper division reported a 29% fall in profits largely to a 13% decline in print advertising revenue; news media commentator Roy Greenslade said in response to this "print cliff fall" that newspapers had no future.^[3]

Other commentators have said the modern journalism is increasingly being performed in a cheaper, high-volume way, describing the resulting product with derogatory terms such as newszak (combination of "news" and "muzak"),^[17]infotainment and junk-food journalism.^[18]

Speed[edit]

In their book No Time to Think,^[19] authors Howard Rosenberg and Charles S. Feldman emphasised the role of speed in degrading the quality of modern journalism.^[20] An example is given of the BBC guide for online staff which gives advice to ensure good quality but also the contradictory advice, "Get the story up as fast as you can… We encourage a sense of urgency—we want to be first."^[20]

Combating churnalism[edit]

Some organizations and tools have arisen to combat churnalism. In April , the American Sunlight Foundation, a non-profit organisation which advocates for openness and transparency, in partnership with the UK's Media Standards Trust, launched monash.pw, an online tool to discover churn. It used a database of known press releases and compared the text of a submitted URL to determine what percentage of it was derived churn.^[21]

The Register commented that some level of "churnalism" is both normal and healthy for news organisations, but said it considered the Media Standards Trust linked to campaigns supported by "wealthy and powerful individuals and celebrities" in favour of "state control of the media" in the UK, and claimed there was significant irony in the Sunlight Foundation tool launch announcement itself being "uncritically churned by many of the usual suspects".^[22]

In Australia, the nationwide ABCpublic TV service airs a highly critical weekly minute programme, Media Watch which regularly exposes churnalism, plagiarism, media bias and unethical behaviour by journalists and radio talk-back hosts.^[23]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

External links[edit]

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Konusu: Joo Jang Mi evlenme hayalleri kurarken Lee Hoon Dong'un hiç böyle bir niyeti monash.pw anlayan Jang Mi evlenme teklifini kendi yapmaya karar monash.pw zaman buluştukları otel odasında uzun bir hazırlık yapan Jang Mi , Hoon Dong ile buluşur ve konuya girmeye çalışımonash.pweyi sezen Hoon Dong hemen en yakın arkadaşı Gong Ki Tae den bu olaydan onu kurtarması için yardım monash.pw Ki Tae de bir iyilik karşılığında istediğini yapar ve otel odasına giderek bütün hazırlıkları monash.pwında Hoon Dong, Jang Mi den ayrılmak isteyince araya sürekli Gong Ki Tae yi monash.pw süreç de Jang Mi'nin ne kadar psikopat ve yapışkan bir sevgili olduğunu anlayan Ki Tae onunla bir anlaşma monash.pw Dong dan intikam almasına yardımcı olması karşılığında onun kız arkadaşı rolü yapmasını monash.pw amacı ya Jang Mi ile evlenirim ya da hiç evlenmem diyerek  annesinin evlenme baskılarından kurtulmaktımonash.pw içinde annesine hiç beğenmeyeceği bir gelin adayı (Jang Mi'yi) götürümonash.pw ondan kötü gelin adayı rolü yapmasını ister.Böylelikle  sonsuza kadar bekar kalabilecektir.

Durum bu .Adam evlenmek istemiyor :)

Yeon Woo Jin Dizide kiAdı Gong Ki Tae

    Zengin bir aileden gelen estetik monash.pwçmişinde ailesi ile ilgili yaşadığı sorunlar yüzünden yalnız yaşamayı monash.pwında bir kız arkadaş veya eş istemiyor.Kızlara karşı hiç nazik olmayan soğuk biri.

    İlk defa bu dizide izledim.Gözlerini ve kaşlarını ben Lee Min Ho 'ya benzettim monash.pwki performansı monash.pweri , hareketleri sevimli aynı zamanda monash.pwız yaşamayı çok sevdiği için ne evlenmek ne de uzun süreli bir kız arkadaşı monash.pwnin ayarladığı görücü usulü görüşmelerin sonu yüzüne fırlatılan içki , su , meyve suyu vb şeylerle son monash.pw işi kökünden halletmek için de Jang Mi'yi annesine karşı kullanımonash.pw zamanla aşka dönüşüyor her dizide olduğu gibi.

Han Groo Dizide ki Adı Joo Jang Mi

Jeong Jinwoon Dizide ki Adı Han Yeo Reum

Ne kadar da mütevazi bir erkek.

Heo Jeong Min Dizide ki Adı Lee Hoon Dong

Tipe bakın yaa :)

Burada Jang Min'e iyi laf soktu gerçekten.Çok haklı bu monash.pwn bu yönünü sevmedim işmonash.pw kiminle belli değil.

Jang Min den ayrılınca ve en yakın arkadaşıyla çıktığını görünce çok pişman oldu zavallım.Bırak ya sen bu kızı.Üzme kendini :) Han Sunhwa Dizide ki Adı Kang Se Ah

   Ki Tae gibi o da plastik cerrah.Önceden Ki Tae ile evlilik aşamasında ayrılmışmonash.pw hala ondan hoşlanıyor.O da evlenmek istemiyor ama Ki Tae ile sevgili olmak istiyor.

  Ben ilk defa bu dizide izledim.Güzel (estetikli) bir yüzü monash.pwluğu da eh işte.Kötü kız rolünde monash.pw doğrusu gıcımonash.pw aklıma geldi şimdi söylemeden edemeyeceğmonash.pw kız Ki Tae den bir hediye monash.pw diye çok merak ettim çünkü sürekli bundan bahsediyor ve Ki Tae kıza acayip acayip bakımonash.pw istiyor ki bu kadar şaşırdı diye düşündümonash.pwan öğmonash.pw kadar saçma bir şey duymadım ben ya.Şimdi ne olacağını söylemeyeceğim.Öyle spoiler falan olmasın diye değmonash.pw çok saçma olduğunu düşündüğüm için lafını bile etmeyeceğmonash.pw mantıkla böyle bir şey istedi daha doğrusu senaristler hangi düşünceyle böyle bir şey yazdı ben anlam monash.pwçma sapan bir konuydu monash.pwn sevmediğim bir yönü de buydu.

Nam Hyun Hee Dizide ki Adı Yoon So Hee

   Jang Min'in en yakın arkadaşı.Onunla aynı mağazada çalışımonash.pw bir kocayla evlenmek en büyük hayali :) Hoon Dong dan hoşalanıyor.

   İlk defa bu dizide izledim.(Anlayacağınız tanıdığım bir tane oyuncu yoktu dizide :)) Bence dizideki en güzel kızdı.Fazla bir rolü monash.pw da en yakın arkadaşının eski sevgilisine sulanmasına sinir monash.pw ya burada kim kiminle takip edemiyorsunuz.

Bu fotoğrafı çok beğendim.

Dünyada ki genel monash.pwer evlenmek istemiyor kadınlar evlenmek için gün sayıyor :)